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Re: Piorot on Madrick - Winslow's blast



John M. Legge wrote:

Since I didn't use the term "rational maximisation" I feel no need to
defend
it.

From what you go on to say, I take it the problem is with the word "maximization." The complex system aspect makes it inappropriate to describe rational choices as maximizing choices.

I take it, however, that you are defending the hypothesis of
"rationality" elaborated in terms of complexity theory.  It's this that
I was questioning.

Within the environment in which human agents exist I see no problem in
the
argument that they make the best decisions that they can using the
information and computing resources available to them with a view to
progressing their objectives.

The topic of this thread, you may remember, is an NYT article by Jeff Madrick focused on an economics that questions the assumption "that buyers and sellers are rational and seek to maximize their own incomes and profits," i.e. the assumption of "rational maximization." "Behavioral economics" as represented by Akerlof is described in that article as an attempt "to make the central assumption of economics realistic. People are often not rational, maybe even most of the time." It isn't just "rational maximization" that Akerlof is said to be questioning; it's the rationality hypothesis itself. This aspect of behavioral economics is said by Akerlof as in "the spirit of Keynes."

Such theories depend greatly on one assumption: that buyers
and sellers are rational and seek to maximize their own
incomes and profits. These economists, perhaps best
represented by the work of the so-called new classical
economists, whose home base is the University of Chicago,
conclude that stocks are almost always sensibly priced.
They also conclude that unemployment cannot be reduced
without creating inflation, people save enough on their
own, regulations that limit the international flow of
capital are anathema, and even monetary policy has little
or no consequence.

Mr. Akerlof argues, however, that market bubbles can exist
and should be kept under control; that unemployment can
often be pushed lower by government without generating
inflation; that people will not save enough on their own;
and that liberalized global capital flows have been
damaging. He argues that monetary and fiscal policies do
matter in creating jobs and raising incomes.

The starting point for Mr. Akerlof and his colleagues is to
make the central assumption of economics realistic. People
are often not rational, maybe even most of the time.
Consider investors in stocks. Keynes implied long ago in
his "General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money," Mr.
Akerlof notes, that investors are subject to fads and
fashions.

Behavioral economists have developed a lot of evidence to
support this idea. For example, Robert Shiller of Yale has
carefully shown that stock prices are much more volatile
than corporate profits and dividends.

An important conclusion is that when stock prices are
historically far out of line with profits, there is a good
chance that it is a bubble, not a "new economy" of
ever-higher profits, as Mr. Greenspan often suggested in
the 1990's.

The strength of behavioral economics is that it is based
largely on actual observation of human behavior, not pure
theory. "In the spirit of Keynes," Mr. Akerlof writes,
"behavioral macroeconomists are rebuilding the
microfoundations that were sacked by the new classical
economists."

I understood you to be challenging this claim that the assumption of rationality was unrealistic by calling in question Akerlof's use of "behavioral economics" to explain a uniform wage. You suggested that, in fact, a uniform wage "may be the best approximation to the economically optimal level." I understood the "economically optimal level" to mean the level achieved when "buyers and sellers are rational and seek to maximize their own incomes and profits."

You've previously made similar claims about the rationality of
expectations formation and liquidity preference.  In each of these cases
you elaborate rationality in terms of complexity theory.  You also
appear to claim that such explanations can be "solidly grounded in
empirical evidence."

Recent work on expectations and behaviour cited by Mankiw of all people
demonstrated that expectations are overwhelmingly based on the recent
past:
that tomorrow will be like yesterday.

If you approach the economy from a complex systems viewpoint, evolving
on a path that is incomputable without access to a system vastly larger
than the system being studied then this is, in fact, the best possible
guess: for 65 million years an observer of earth could have observed
dinosaurs and hypothesized that they would still be there on the
following day.  Such a prediction would have been 99.99999999 per cent
accurate, which beats the average stock picker or Fed observer."

If you use the term "fundamental" in a less fundamental way, as I do,
and
apply it to the problem of determining what a reasonable person might
reasonably pay for an income-generating asset, when not influenced by
speculative or beauty contest motives, the Dixit and Pindyck approach,
or
any other approach based on uncertainty increasing with the time from
now to
the expected event, produces a pragmatically acceptable result.

Such approaches also suggest a rational liquidity preference and offer
micro-level support to Keynes as distinct from Marshall and the finance
textbooks which suggest that investments with an infinitesimally
positive
interest rate are to be preferred to holding cash.

You also identify the idea of a "complex system" with "science" and then seem implicitly to suppose that any other way of accounting for "uncertainty" in Keynes's sense must be treating uncertain events as "inexplicable in hindsight" and hence must be implicitly introducing "divine dice throwing" and permitting "science to leave."

Non-ergodicity can arise in a fully deterministic system simply by
linking
events; this is why the geometric random walk is one of the simplest
nonergodic processes. By the 1930s if not earlier economists had
recognised
that systems did not have to be very complicated before they lost the
ergodic property and entered on a formally unpredictable path.  The
motion
of the earth and moon around the sun is nonergodic: unless an
astronomer had
access to infinitely precise measurements of the state of the solar
system
at an instant of time, and an infinitely powerful computer with which to
process this information, she could not make reliable predictions of
such
ordinary events as an eclipse of the sun for more than ten thousand or
so
years into the future.

Human society is more complex, and your example of an entrepreneur
trying to
predict demand for a yet-uninvented product fifteen years into the
future is
probably on a par with an astronomer talking about eclipses a million
years
or from now; but in my view there is no fundamental difference:
unpredictability is a fundamental property of the universe.  There is no
need to invent a source of fundamental uncertainty into a system in
which
fundamental unpredictability is already present.

More dangerously, in my view, adding an axiom of uncertainty denies the
assumption of causality on which science relies.  If PKers choose to
rely on
an axiom of uncertainty I do not know how they/we can challenge those
of the
orthodox school who assert fundamental ergodicity.  They implicitly
rely on
a God who coordinates individual choices to as to make intrinsically
nonergodic outcomes obey ergodic laws; but PKers are asked to call
upon a
different God to play dice with the laws of the universe and thereby
produce
uncertainty in circumstances where unpredictability would have
preserved the
laws of physics and still been a sufficient condition to support every
conclusion of PK analysis,

In the e-mail you're continuing to describe as a "blast," I (1) questioned the logical coherence of the rationality hypothesis elaborated in terms of complexity theory, (2) questioned whether the hypothesis could be empirically grounded merely by showing that some empirical phenomenon, e.g. a uniform wage, liquidity preference or the basing of expectations on the recent past, could be so interpreted as to make it consistent with the hypothesis, (3) questioned whether the rationality hypothesis in any form could be empirically grounded given the abundant evidence that irrationality does play a significant role in economic behaviour, e.g. in the formation of expectations, (4) pointed out that Keynes's ontological hypothesis of "organic unity" - i.e. "internal relations" - could explain "uncertainty" without requiring any abandonment of "science" (in the sense of rationally grounded belief), and (5) pointed out that complexity theory can't reasonably be identified with science in this sense because it is implicitly based on corrigible ontological premises (e.g. those required for the valid application of any form of reasoning that makes use of the logical idea of the "variable") and because there are good reasons, particularly in the case of social phenomena, for believing that these premises are very frequently not satisfied (this ontological point also underpinning the idea of "scholasticism" as mistakenly treating what is essentially "vague" "as if it were precise and trying to fit it into an exact logical category").

Instead of answering any of this, you now say:

I suppose that Ted's fundamental problem is that he sees complexity
theory
as a (flawed) tool for predicting the future, where it is in fact a way
of
quantifying the unpredictability of the future,

Not only is this not my "fundamental problem," it has nothing to do with any of the arguments I've made.

Ted




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