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Re: In defense of Paul D [reply to]
"... the nonergodicity 'axiom' [allows proof] that we
can expect no single formula to describe what goes
on in any particular economic system. ...[Professor
Paul Davidson's fight, with the defenders of classical
and neo-classical economic doctrines, is the good
fight against all] who believe in substantive, universal,
invariant algorithms for prediction and explanation
[of economic history].
" [Paul Davidson] is trying to justify a more ad hoc
approach ... [to economic policy], using the theorists'
language, that gains their respect with its technical
proficiency. So, it serves a purpose as a rhetorical
strategy directed at methodological ends [not unlike
others who write to PKT, including Gelles] ...
(at least compared to most neoclassicals)."
-- Approximate comment today on PKT by
Jonathan Halvorson, Dept. of Philosophy,
Columbia University
Johnathan's position, above, occurred to me many
times. And, last night, before receiving his words,
I had a reasonable reply to it:
The idea of nonergodicity is nowhere expressed
in common discussion of political economy. Nor
is "ergodic". What Paul describes as nonergodic,
is described (better, in my opinion,) in the MIT
Dictionary of Economics, as:
UNCERTAINTY. A situation in which the
likliehood of an event occurring is NOT known
at all. That is, no PROBABILITY distribution
can be attached to the outcomes.
If the event in question is an investment in a
project, uncertain returns would mean that the
conceivable returns will be known but their
probability of occurrence will not be known.
In such circumstances it is necessary to resort
to some rule based on the investor's attitude to
the balance of gains and losses in the event that
a particular choice is taken and a particular set
of circumstances occur.
(See DECISION THEORY, RISK.) See
McKenna, C.J., "The Economics of Uncertainty",
Harvester Wheatsheaf, London (1986).
--------------- end MIT Dictionary -----------
Note, MIT, above, talks of "situations", "events",
"circunstamces" and "choices" as the THINGS that
are uncertain, or POSSIBLE (yet incapable of
good measure in terms of their odds or probability).
MIT does not talk of an axiom that would deny
validity to all deduction in the social sciences.
True enough, induced hypotheses, useful in the
exact sciences, persist over a longer measured time
than in the social sciences. But social science offers
induced hypotheses that we use with good effect.
What is wrong with conservative economics is
not its methods -- but its present day values. Its
values need modernizing in terms of what is
possible if we want to reduce poverty, pollution
and rage.
There can be no technical proficiency in a
philosophical oxymoron -- which is what the
ergodicity argument brings to social science.
It says that because "the more we learn the
more we know how much remains unknown",
we must fear to use hypotheses that may
be replaced. If this were true, we would be
afraid generalize the nonergodicity axiom.
In short, nonergodic is self-contradictory.
If it's true it's false. And if it's false, it's false.
And if its neither, it's no more than another
line in an Escher drawing, no more than a
self-referential paradox.
Now in the exact sciences, (from which it was
stolen,) the reverse is true. Here, the persistent
life of some principles, such as Newton's laws,
opens up the possibility of ergodic systems.
These being common, caution must be
exercised when they overlap uncertainty --
as in the construction of bridges.
Bridges are built to survive possible
storms, quakes and terrorist attack, whose
probabilities of ocurrence is not measurable.
Economics and the social sciences have no
ergodic systems. All their knowledge has a
short half-life.
Yet progress in medicine (the original
mixture of art, science and social science),
and the business and social sciences, has
been significant.
It was all made by an avoiding an
axiomatic view of what could be done.
I am content to bury this matter as
unresolvable.
Paul and I have a duty to consider tax,
monetary and fiscal policy in our political
approach to prosperity and reform.
It is conceivable that Keynesian reform
will have to rescue America from the next
recession. If our goal remains to reduce
(and eventually end) forced unemployment
and poverty, we should be prepared on
these concrete issues.
Can we really expect to win votes from
businessmen, workers, rich. or poor, by
reducing economic advice to philosophical
conundrums?
Let us start at the more concrete level of tax
effects. Current tax structures hit the middle
class. The rich have paid Congress, lawyers and
accountants to make it that way. Do we not
owe the middle class Lerner's thought -- that
government can afford social security and
national defense without tax revenues --
PROVIDED THAT:
the anti-inflationary effect of middle
class taxation can be found in a more
middle-class friendly system? (Such
as indexed wealth saving accounts.)
If we do, let Paul and Professor James
Galbraith speak to that issue. These two
scholars speak to the great issues of
unemployment and disparity. But their
voices are not heard above the news and
noise of higher capital asset and share prices.
The "wealth effect" of initial public offerings
has temporarily created a "new economy".
We must get prepared today for a return to
the "old economy" and its potential for a really
ugly "misery index".
Can we not do this on this forum? Disparity,
as strange as it is, may give us the free internet
university. Are we prepared to take full
advantage of such new opportunities?
John Gelles
email 1944@xxxxxxxx
url http://1944.org
thoughts on a first free internet university:
url http://1944.org/iu-home.htm
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