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Re: Response to Henning and Mitchell
This response embraces all three pieces of correspondence received from paul
davidson today.
Friday 15/4/94
Dear Paul
thanks a lot for your conscientous replies. There is a lot in them
and today time is short for me. But I have certainly some points
to make in return. I was musing on the way to the uni. today (I
live about 45 kms away in the countryside) what a great thing the
internet is bringing people together who might for reasons of
geography not normally talk. And I really appreciate the talk as
it helps me to galvanise and develop my own ideas. so here is more
talk.
I should say paul that you have a way of arguing - a sort of ad
captandum (vulgus!) which avoids the ad verbum of my own and
others retorts or suggestions. your interpretation of the
implications of some of my points is bizarre and maybe designed to
avoid the issue. So lets start in sequence of your reply.
1. yes, the profession we operate in is seriously astray - its has
opted for quasi-sophistication and elegance of analysis over
substance. Rebuilding the profession is not likely to be an
iterative process. I guess in my mind i have a lakatosian-kuhnian
view of intellectual development (with a fair bit of feyeraband to
boot i should add). Reform is likely to require revolution. the
flat earthers (NCs, and the related jackasses - by the way the
jackass in australian context is a beautiful bird called a
kingfisher. it is a very pretty sight and i would not think it
apposite to refer to the mates of the NC lot using this
nomenclature. In the colloquial i might have another word for
them!!) being displaced by the round earthers (us - if we can ever
agree to a coalition!).
The basis for this revolution in paradigms must reflect the
ability of the new order to EXPLAIN what happens so that an
enlightened understanding of the mechanics and dynamics of
capitalism (you call it entrepreneurial) is achieved.
Now that fat little C19 scribbler - scribbled a bit of stuff about
all of this. Read the TSV and see the precurser of effective
demand notions; of the multiplier (the fact that principle trades
need only be effected for a general malaise to occur); of the role
of money in mediating time and money being a safe (liquid) haven
against the uncertainty of time; of the effect of time on the
unity of purchase and sale (the unity being the SPECIAL case and
the disunity being the GENERAL model); of the role money plays in
an economy which must make real resource commitments in
nominal terms ahead of the certainty of real knowledge
(realisation); of the need to control the work process to get some
grip on the real equivalents of these nominal amounts ahead of
time, and more and more and more.
There was a lot of scribble. Also there were incredibly rich
insights into the underlying mechanisms of the system we live. The
differentia specifica of capitalism. NC economics is built on
a characterisation of capitalism as a system of simple commodity
exchange. The scribbling showed so clearly the flaws in that
approach before NC had even arrived in intellectual terms. the
scribbler's interchanges with ricardo over say is the foundation
on which keynes and kalecki (not necessarily in that order or as
independent scribblers) built the C20 literature.
it would be incredibly arrogant to ignore the scribbler's work. it
was surely the start of the sort of genus we all might claim some
affinity to. Keynes never provided discussion on the difference
between this system and say feudalism. a student would never
understand profit and crises fully without reading the scribbler's
work. They would have an idea - a good idea from keynes - but
never a full grasp of the relationship between market exchanges
and the more compelling social relations which underpin them.
this doesn't require that we have a political agenda attached to
it. it doesn't require that we feel bad because some of marx's
predictions were blatantly of the planet. after all the future is
uncertain - n'est-ce pas?
2) You might have nothing against rich capitalists but I have.
This next argument about everyone being inspired to pursue the
wealth held by a few reminds me of the Reagon and Thatcher
rhetoric - the bootstraps or trickle down rubbish. I assume you
mean that general standards will rise if we all try to get rich.
Certainly how we judge our societies and our own progress is on
relative terms. Relatively, inequalities do not appear to have
fallen. Sure many are more wealthy but the Parade of Dwarfs (From
Jan Pen's book "income distribution") is about as skewed as it
ever was.
relatedly, this concept of wealth is not one on which i would base
a futuristic paradigm to topple the prevailing orthodoxy. it
measures economic performance solely in material terms as measured
by GDP growth rates. Sweden long touted as a model has been a
leading arms producer. The NICs shoot their trade unionists.
The japanese and others have fished out the southern oceans. the
world bank has indebted LDC to such an extent that they have been
forced to rape their natural resources to dangerous levels. we
have a hole in the ozone over the poles which is getting bigger.
acid rain falls over europe. nuclear power threatens the food
chain. agricultural systems based on animal protein production
have defoliated and desalinated vast tracts of the earth's land. I
could go on obviously. The point is that you might say we are
better off as a result of Bretton Woods (BW) but at what expense.
To what extent is the stability at the expense of the environment
(no world, no society remember), and how much relied on cold war
shenanigans (military expenditure, space research etc.)
and moreover you forget to mention the accompanying conditions to
BW. Yes we all grew fast - steady growth with low inflation. But
the amount of trade barriers and domestic protection was high. It
didn't hurt the bosses to pay the unions cosy wages because their
margins were guaranteed by tariffs and the like. Now ask what has
happened since the increased openness in the international economy
and the OPEC oil disaster. Obvious. Now the system struggles to
provide the wages and the employment because the margins are hit
and are not protected. Now increasingly, employment is casualised
and low paid in the service sector. There is a declining "middle
class" as public sectors cut back under rationalism and middle
management is rendered useless. The primary labour market
conditions of the past - which were protected by cosy tariffs and
rigid exchange controls etc are disappearing. We now have a large
rump of working poor. (Read the findings of the G7 meeting in
Chicago the other day). And also the system is failing to provide
enough jobs in total.
So I am not advocating a return to marxism or any other ism. but i
do ask how can a capitalist economy deliver an environmentally
sustainable growth path with full employment (employment liberally
defined), with primary labour market jobs, with equitable wages,
with normal profits, with freedom of governments to make their own
decisions in the 1990s. My belief (at the religous level in the
spirit of joan robinson - economics being a branch of theology) is
that it cannot.
ERGODICITY (Mark III or IV?)
Paul here you try to evade the point by suggesting that i am some
sort of austrian. i know you don't (could not) think that so why
say it and then go to lengths to show you know a bit about
austrian economics and metaphysics.
When i said that the "future is probabilistic from the point of
view of the system but not from the point of view from the
individual decision makers whose decisions drive the system" i was
making a point i was sure you would have to agree with, given my
reading of your work over the years.
it is an argument that IS NOT (to quote you) "exactly the argument
underlying the austrian emphasis on uncertainty with their view of
the market as an optimal solving machine." That is a really
evasive way of trying to avoid the simple point.
the point is this - clear crisp and concise - the way you want us
all to communicate I recall. The system itself has to be
probabilistic in the trivial sense that things either happen or
they do not. there is some process generating the data we observe
(with measurement error given). we do not know the specification
of it. therefore we cannot know the truth. even if we stumbled on
it we would not what distinguishes truth from untruth. but the
fact remains that the data generating process (which can change
and is not therefore immutable, natural, gravitation, spiritual,
nor necessarily or even likely OPTIMAL) exists and has unknown
probabilistic outcomes.
The individuals in the system clearly do not know the
probabilities and for them the future is a world of confusion.
we can only make guesses. guesses are not probabilistic
predictions to the guesser, whereas in an ethereal sense they are
clearly probabilistic because they will interact with the DGP with
some degree of concordance.
It is meagre invention to say that I implied, said, suggested or
whatever that (quote from paul) "while Austrians argue -- as
Mitchell does at this point - humans do not have the computing
power to reliable (sic) estimate probabilities for some aspects of
the economic cosmos. These aspects are the uncertainties while
other aspects of the economic universe are only risky because
humans can calculate probabilities for these latter variables."
Never did i say that. for the individual the future is not
probabilistic from the perspective of the individuals - READ MY
WORDS AGAIN PLEASE.
Prior to that quote Paul infers that as I am clearly an austrian
(stooge) i believe and implied that (quote from paul) "Humans can
not pass legislation (policy) to overturn the law of gravity.
Thus, Austrians argue that humans can not produce policies that
overturn the long runpath of the economy"
Haven't you really read or understood what I have been saying
in the last weeks, paul? i have been at lengths to point out the
conditions under which activist policy can drive us towards a
preferable state out of a range of available equilibria (which i
see as temporary and not natural contrivances). I could suggest
you read some of my articles throughout the journals on this sort
of issue. When i introduce error correction into the dynamics of
the system it is in the context of the target of the error
correction being manipulated by aggregate policy. While I might
have a marxian ideal of communism in my heart, i surely agree that
6 per cent unemployment is better than 10 and 3 is better still. I
also think a less concave lorenz curve for income distribution
(even though it offends my communistic ideal) is better than a
more concave one.
so stick to what i have said not some stray case which has no
relevance to what i have said.
Similarly (quote from paul) "thus when Mitchell assumes that even
though the whole system is NS, it can still exhibit
stationarity...implies his assumption of a Turing machine with
immutable probabilities." Wrong and astray again. Is this
deliberate or not?
The point I was leading to in that section is about how we see
involuntary unemployment. You say that "Keynes persistence of
unemployment equilibrium is not the result of stationarity in the
technical sense or ergodicity. It is merely the result of the fact
that there need not be any endogenous forces present in a
non-ergodic system that will move the system from this equilibrium
position. this need not be a steady state result."
Well I recall that paul berated jim devine for twisting the
language. if the cap fits!! lets stick to words and meanings that
have emerged in our common educations. the NS of the system can
still nest stationary outcomes. In the absence of exogenous forces
(like a government expansion a la keynes, kalecki et al), a state
of involuntary unemployment is a steady state. If it is not, then
why do we need government policy? i call a steady state a steady
state. it persists unless it is shocked. the system overall can
easily be NS but still deliver proportional (stationary) relations
between variables. and if we persist in using technical words then
we must accept the consequences of their meanings. A system that
has no forces present to MOVE is steady. the equilibrium can be
transitory and one of many but is persists because there is
proportionalities in linear combinations within the system.
I thought this idea - that inv. un was a equil. rather than an
abberation - was keynes biggest offering to us - a very worthy
intellectual advance.
paul then says that "moreover, Mitchell's assumption that there
are steady state multiple equilibira does not assure that any of
the equilibria is a full employment equilibria."
Of course it doesn't and i never said it did. indeed, that has
been my very point that the idea of a natural long run position
where markets clear is rather dreamlike. NC dreaming. Within
limits the Government can choose the sustained position for the
economy.
the next point is really worrying. because i introduce error
correction as part of the explanation of dynamics I have (quote
from paul) "not escaped the classical trap of believing that the
system (without any help?) is error correcting". well well. listen
to my words again. The direction of the economy is
state-dependent. where it is heading is dependent on where it has
been. the policy settings and changes can thus permanently and
effectively influence the direction of the economy. But unless you
reject proportionality entirely and have some chaotic notion of
the economy then an error correction process operates. its
strength, direction, target is not immutable, invariant to policy,
nor manna from heaven. The economy can stick into a Inv un,
malaise and persist like that.
unemployment is not an error in this context - notice the
semantics - it is an outcome of a system which fails to deliver
enough effective demand. one must again understand the terminology
(error correcting dynamics) and use them appropriately. it can
persist and be a NORMAL OUTCOME of a capitalist system. The market
has NO PROPENSITY via COMPETITIVE FORCES with or without price
flexibility TO CHANGE THE OUTCOME TO HIGHER (NATURAL) LEVELS OF
UNEMPLOYMENT.
MARXIST SCREED's
once we clear that up, the next part of the story is similarly
littered with problems. Yes capitalism requires a Reserve army.
that is another of my religous beliefs.
Now i remind people to read the works of susan george,
gunder frank, magdoff, mandel, and far too many others to mention.
Paul says that "capitalists did not need a reserve army to get
richer" (47-72). Not maybe in the USA or OZ or UK or like. They
certainly needed extensive trade protection to employ at high
levels in the advanced countries. But they did need a RAU in the
underdeveloped (terminology here is controversial i know)
countries. The only way we in OZ were able to have nice tinned
Queensland pineapple at affordable prices was because the tin
miners in Bolivia were being viciously exploited and the peasants
suffering abominable unemployment and poverty and army slaughter
when they tried to form unions. the story generalises throughout
the poorer countries.
Paul writes then "Clearly, a more civilised policy would have been
an Incomes Policy such as Weintraub's TIP" - civilised in terms
of keeping the workers in some sort of niche acceptable to the
owners of capital. I would call civilised giving rewards for work
(and help for incapacity to work) rather than legitimising
rewards for ownership.
I should add that in practical terms I favour incomes policies and
that OZ is the leader in effective (controlling class struggle
over distribution) in that area of policy. But I do not call them
civilised. Merely the best that can be done without having the
bosses getting the tanks out!!
in Paul's third letter mainly directed at Doug but including
myself it is mentioned that I attack the USA for being gun crazy
etc and fail to mention the Soviet union, china, cuba etc. i was
merely redressing the bias and imbalance that had entered the
debate from paul's own hand when he talked of marxist-inspired
slaughter in eastern europe. i was merely pointing out the obvious
that the western entrepreneurial states don't do much better and
finally resort to the same when required. The USA seems to be
particularly prone to such "final" responses around the globe
interfering with sovereign states despite the rhetoric that it is
the exemplar of freedom.
the essential point i make is this (cutting through all the other
posturing on both sides) is that i believe full employment and
capitalism are somewhat at odds with each other. it doesn't mean
we can't try via government to intervene but in the same vein as bob
rowthorn says the trade unions cannot afford to be too successful,
equally the government cannot afford to try to much to impinge on
the rate of profit.
i am tired after all of that. as they say in the vernacular
"avagoodweekend"
kind regards
bill mitchell department of economics university of newcastle nsw
australia
ecwfm@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
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