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[Pen-l] Why WTO talks collapsed
- To: Progressive Economics <pen-l@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Subject: [Pen-l] Why WTO talks collapsed
- From: ravi <ravi@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Sun, 17 Aug 2008 00:46:03 -0400
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http://thestar.com.my/columnists/story.asp?col=globaltrends&file=/2008/8/4/columnists/globaltrends/21996050&sec=Global%20Trends
Why WTO talks collapsed
GLOBAL TRENDS
By MARTIN KHOR
In the most widespread view, the United States did not want to face
the cotton issue to protect the wealth of a few thousand cotton farms.
AFTER the collapse of the World Trade Organisation’s mini-Ministerial
talks in Geneva, government officials and the Secretariat are picking
up the pieces so as to save the Doha negotiations or at least salvage
some parts of it.
They are still recovering from the shock of the breakdown of the talks
that took place on July 29 after a roller-coaster nine days.
Many delegates expressed regret at the failure. Malaysia’s
representative to the WTO Ambassador Muhamad Noor Yacob said he was
disappointed because it meant an opportunity lost for reducing the
developed countries’ agricultural subsidies, and also because Malaysia
would have had more export opportunities if the tariffs were reduced.
Although some 40 ministers were invited to the talks, most of the
negotiations were conducted by only seven ministers (from the United
States, European Commission, India, Brazil, China, Australia and
Japan) plus WTO Director General Pascal Lamy.
Progress had been made on a number of issues, but on several of the
key issues the talks had been stuck. A compromise draft by Lamy to the
G7 had a fragile status, with India and China not agreeing to
important parts of it.
Meanwhile, frustration was building up among the 30 or more non-G7
Ministers who were specially invited by Lamy to the WTO, only to find
themselves waiting for days on the wayside, while the G7 met.
When the end came, the United States and others pinpointed Special
Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) as the sticking point of the entire
negotiations. Most developing countries wanted this mechanism to
protect their farmers from sudden surges of agricultural imports.
The SSM would allow them to raise tariffs above the bound rate if
import prices of agricultural products fall below or the volume rises
above certain levels.
The US Trade Representative Susan Schwab tried to take the high ground
by proclaiming that it was preserving the past 30 years’ gains of the
trading system from the protectionists led by India and China whom it
accused of wanting to raise their tariffs.
It was part of a concerted attempt by the US to shift the blame of any
collapse onto India and China, by portraying them as selfishly seeking
new protectionist devices. In fact a strong SSM had the support of
about a hundred developing countries.
Insiders at the G7 meeting were surprised at the tenacity of Schwab in
insisting on an unreasonably high trigger of 150% (of the base import
volume) before the SSM could be allowed to raise duties above the
bound levels prevailing now.
Lamy tried to break the SSM deadlock by proposing a new draft, but
this was rejected by the United States. On Tuesday morning, officials
of the G7 laboured to produce an alternative SSM model, which they
presented to their ministers. Schwab again rejected the new draft, and
this sank the talks.
Many ministers and diplomats are speculating that the SSM was not the
real issue that was irreconcilable. In the most widespread view, the
United States really did not want to face the cotton issue, which was
next on the agenda once SSM was settled.
Since the United States had agreed to cut its overall trade distorting
farm subsidies by 70%, it would have to reduce cotton subsidies by
more than that as it had been agreed that cotton subsidies be cut more
deeply than the average rate.
The 2008 US Farm Bill having planned that cotton subsidies be
maintained or increased in the next five years, it would have been
difficult or impossible for Schwab to offer a plus 70% cotton subsidy
cut.
Without a good cut in subsidies, US cotton would continue to be sold
at artificially cheap prices, thus depressing the trade and income of
poor African cotton growers.
The failure of the WTO talks would then have been placed squarely on
the United States, and it would have been seen as a villain protecting
the wealth of a few thousand cotton farms while millions of African
cotton farmers would continue to languish in poverty.
This suspicion that the United States wanted to avoid the cotton
embarrassment is the backdrop to the comments made by several
ministers of developing countries in their press conferences that SSM
could not have been the real cause of the talks breaking down, but
rather the scapegoat picked on by a major player to shift the blame on
to another issue and on other countries.
After all, despite Schwab’s portrayal of the protectionist potential
of the SSM, the United States itself is a frequent user of safeguards.
It was a case of the pot calling the kettle (or rather the potential
future kettle, since the SSM does not even exist yet) black.
As Indonesian Trade Minister Mari Pangestu, who led the fight for the
SSM, put it: “It is like accusing us of a crime that we did not commit.”
As the dust settles, the diplomats and secretariat officials remaining
in Geneva are pondering over the next steps.
What will happen when the WTO comes back from its August break? No one
can tell. The speculation is that some meetings will continue. But the
spirit is gone from the talks, because the United States will be
preoccupied with its Presidential elections.
The expectation is that nothing can happen until the new US President
and the new Congress settle in next year. By then there may also be a
change in government and trade minister in other countries as well.
It could be difficult for the WTO talks to re-start on the same basis
as before, and they could just fade away. But the WTO and its on-off
talks have been resilient in the past. Who knows, the off button may
switch to “on” again one day.
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