Electoral cretinism

[Louis Proyect <lnp3@xxxxxxxxx>]

(Although it is sometimes hard to figure out exactly what the social 
democrats at In These Times magazine are trying to say, this amounts to an 
endorsement of tying the antiwar movement to the Democratic 
Party--especially since it gazes fondly on Carl Davidson's efforts in 
Chicago. Davidson was one of the most outspoken ABB'ers last year, wrapping 
his reformist proposals in warmed-over Maoist formulations.)

In These Times, December 30, 2004
Antiwar Action: Back to the ?60s?
By Jeff Epton

Antiwar groups have to face the fact that occupation continues and that 
2003?s unprecedented worldwide peace mobilization did little to slow the 
drive to war.

The antiwar groups originally formed to oppose the invasion of Iraq took a 
variety of different positions during this election year. Some condemned 
both major parties as two sides of the same war party, but urged members to 
vote anyway. Others, sharing some of the same reservations about the major 
candidates, were more ambitious, running their own voter registration and 
get-out-the-vote campaigns. Either way, antiwar groups have to face the 
fact that the occupation continues and that 2003?s unprecedented worldwide 
peace mobilization did little to slow the drive to war.

Chicagoans Against War and Injustice (CAWI) has big plans for next steps. 
CAWI co-chairs Marilyn Katz and Carl Davidson recently wrote ?The Road 
Ahead After 2004,? a document aimed at guiding discussion of political 
strategy (http://www.noiraqwar-chicago.org).

CAWI ?deputized and trained nearly 1,000 registrars in Chicago and the 
suburbs; and, working with some close allies, brought in nearly 20,000 new 
voters. Hundreds of CAWI members and affiliates traveled and made phone 
banking calls to other states?gaining valuable skills and experience,? they 
wrote. ?If we allow all these gains to slip through our fingers, we will 
have been little more than a tail on the Democratic Party.?

Formed to connect peace and justice groups across the country, New 
York-based United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ) has a more national focus. 
Hoping to avoid sectarian splits within its coalition, UFPJ did not engage 
in voter registration or mobilization during the recent election. Instead, 
member groups focused on educating people about the impact of the war. Some 
groups outlined strong anti-Bush positions, but endorsed third party 
candidates, rather than support John Kerry.

UFPJ plans to continue its focus on the war. ?The problem is the war isn?t 
ending,? says Leslie Cagan, UFPJ?s national coordinator. ?Our member groups 
are considering proposals to launch a major organizing drive run by local 
groups, reaching out to people we?ve never reached before.? Some UFPJ 
groups will move beyond ?street heat? to ?interfere with the war machine,? 
says Cagan, invoking a ?60s-style phrase.

By aiming at new and larger constituencies, CAWI and UFPJ recognize the 
need to inject new vigor into the left?s old organizing traditions. One 
obstacle to the change they envision is our electoral system. As James 
Weinstein, In These Times founding editor, writes in his book The Long Detour:

"The presidential system favors the wealthy and powerful because winning a 
nationwide election requires massive amounts of money and a subservient 
corporate media. Of course, a political movement with a large 
well-organized, popular network of experienced people dedicated to a 
long-range struggle, might offset that advantage."

Weinstein explores the history of progressive third party organizing in the 
United States, and he outlines the obstacles a ?wanna-be? movement must 
confront. No matter what issues a movement addresses, he writes, the 
central imperative ?is to pursue a path that brings supporters together.?

That means moving beyond a few hundred thousand activists and an estimated 
10 to 15 million reliably progressive voters. But a movement like UFPJ may 
encounter difficulty reaching new audiences with a style that rings a 
back-to-the-?60s note. That note, as Weinstein observes, is flawed by more 
than mere nostalgia:

"In the New Left, as in the old, style, rhetoric, and the degree of 
commitment and self-sacrifice also became the badges of radicalism. Few New 
Leftists were concerned about the class nature of American society, fewer 
still about the need to gain political power."

CAWI?s strategy of building an infrastructure that can support and 
accommodate people moving in and out of political life may accomplish 
political outreach more effectively. Such a strategy recognizes the 
workplace and family commitments that make constant political engagement 
difficult for far too many Americans.

One of the explanations for Kerry?s defeat was his failure to speak 
persuasively about these economic realities. Had he convincingly addressed 
poverty-level wages, rising unemployment, job anxiety, lack of access to 
health care, the longest work day and the longest commute in the 
industrialized world and other economic issues, Kerry surely would have 
attracted more voters. A constituency constantly distracted by such matters 
has little time for candidates who barely mention them. An antiwar agenda 
that doesn?t address such issues isn?t likely to fare any better.


Louis Proyect
Marxism list: www.marxmail.org