Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two

[Waistline2@xxxxxxx]

In a message dated 6/27/2004 8:45:43 AM Central Standard Time, lookoverhere1@xxxxxxxxx writes:

In 1997 Russia allocated to Chechnya 963 billion non-denominated roubles (including 88 billion roubles as transfer payments, 300 billion roubles as payment of pensions by the Russian Pension Fund, 72 billion roubles as payment of transit of Azeri oil, 2.8 billion roubles as payment for the servicing of the oil pipeline). In January-July, 1998 Chechnya received more than 200 million denominated roubles (40 million roubles as transfer payments; 118 million roubles as payment of pensions by the Pension Fund; 25,361 million roubles as payment for the servicing of the oil pipeline). In the first half of 1999 Chechnya received only 122.54 million roubles out of 284.4 million roubles due to it from the federal budget: 50 million roubles "to pay wages to the employees of the budget-financed sphere of the Chechen Republic," 7 million roubles "to render assistance to socially unprotected layers of the Chechen population," 0.54 million roubles to pay for special flights and finally, 65 million roubles "to compensate for the expenses of the state concern "Chechentransneft" for ensuring the transit of Azeri oil." The last item cannot but cause the greatest surprise: as is known, out of 120,000 tonnes of Azeri oil pumped in 1992 into the pipeline, the entire 120,000 tonnes were stolen on the territory of Chechnya (in 1998 Transneft pumped through the Baku-Novorossiisk oil pipeline 2.87 million tonnes of oil instead of the planned 2 million tonnes).

Comment

 

Obviously  . . . and I really mean obviously, the political solution being sought by Putin and the leaders of Chechnya is based on class and economic centers of gravity and no matter how much one screams self determination what is going to take place is the consolidation of the bourgeoisie as a class.

 

To a degree the demand for self determination put forth by not the political currents in Chechnya necesarily but by the Marxists in the imperial centers toward Chechnya and other "national struggles" is shortsighted.

 

Chechnya remains in the economic center of gravity that is the Russian State and and one's noble ideology leads to helping to actually consolidate the bourgeois Russian state, because the bourgeois leaders of Chechnya do not want seperation but their share of the exploitation.

 

Once we leave economic analysis we are compelled to rely upon ideology.

 

The world of real politics is harsh. A small section of the black bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie cannot and will never strive for any freedom of the black masses because their power base is based on the political segregation of the black masses. Generally speaking the black bourgeoisie is utterly reactionary and most black politicians are in office on a narrow basis that compels them to support the institutionalization of their segregated political base.

 

The question becomes what is the strategic direction of the proletariat as an economic unit?

 

 

Melvin P.