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In a message dated 6/26/2004 10:57:22 PM Central Standard
Time, comvoice@xxxxxxxxx writes:
Under Stalinist state-capitalism, however, monstrous crimes were committed against the nationalities, including the mass deportation of the entire Chechen population. This is ethnic cleansing on a vast scale, complete with many deaths during the deportation process itself, and police supervision of the deportees in their new place of residence. No socialist regime could ever do such a thing. And yet Stalin did it not just to the Chechens, but to a number of other small nationalities. All this shows that the revolution had died out in the Soviet Union, and that there is nothing in common between Stalinism and communism. Comment
Actually, changes in the economic units of society and/or the
property relations does not spontaneously lead to enlightenment, benevolence,
equality or the suspension of historically evolved prejudices or necessarily
endow leaders with the capacity to rule. The professing and or confusing
of a brand of ideology is not an indicator of individual or group ethics and
morality. Cambodia and the "killing fields" proves this in my opinion. Men are
capable of incredible stupidities and monstrous crimes against humanity no
matter how noble their individual ideas.
Nevertheless, societal activity occurs in a context and
environment. What the Chechen may refer to as a Soviet version of the Trail of
Tears - during the Stalin years, occurred in the context of the history between
1850 and 2004.
It is precisely the time frame 1850 - 2004 that witnessed
profound economic changes in the life of not just the Soviet Union but the mode
of production on earth. The economic content of this time frame embraces the
transition from agricultural relations to industrial relations or what is called
from feudalism to capitalism. This economic logic needs to be understood to make
head or tails of what is called the national question.
Infinitely more than a change in the form of wealth - from
land to gold, and the slow transition from handicraft to manufacture to industry
is involved in transforming the mode of production as the human drama. The
change in the primary form of wealth to good - movable property, is what
allows for the acceleration of the money economy or exchange between commodities
with money serving as the medium and depositor of
value.
Imperial conquest in its economic aspects means many things.
We are talking about the uprooting of thousands of years of tradition and social
relations and civil institutions. The injection of a money economy into a
natural economy is devastating and unravels the fabric of the old society. Even
the imperial army itself serves an economy content not reducible to merely
force.
For example British rule in India meant recruiting locals into
the imperial force of storm troopers and these real people must eat, have shoes
and clothes and be housed and are on this basis drawn into the money
economy and exchange. The point is the economic logic of bourgeois imperialism
in history, the destruction of natural economy and the way of life form
countless million and the export of a higher mode of production and its
imposition on the economically less developed people. This is one side of the
social process that was looked at that the early Marxists attempt to craft a
policy that spoke directly to the regrouping of peoples as new economic units.
This was called the national question.
From time to time Marxists are called insensitive in our
assertion that the importance of the industrial revolution lies in its stripping
away of all the idyllic relations between people and bring to the fore the
naked economic truth of the exploitation of the working class.
There is some truth to this when we fail to
acknowledge not simply genocide against the weaker peoples but the world
altering and destructive path of economic development that uproots and tears one
their social and spiritual relations what imbue one with specificity.
New class are formed under the impact of this economic
transformation and the approach of the Marxists in the imperial country was to
craft a policy called the national question. One aspect of this policy became
the call of the Right of Nations to Self Determination and this was during the
period between 1850 and 1917. Marx approach to this question differed from that
of Lenin's.
The question remains whether or not the slogan and political
approach called right of nations to self determination is applicable to
Chechnya.
Covering a period between 1850 and 2004 - 150 years,
that has witnessed the greatest changes in the material power of production in
human history is more than a notion if one is addressing the economic logic that
created the national question in the first place.
Apparently the real question has noting to do with the
evolution of the Marxists approach to the national factor and its economic logic
but rather "what should Putin do?"
Well, I do not know what Putin should do and never approach
the world of politics as such. In my thinking and experience this is the
approach of the novice. Putin is going to be driven to do certain things as a
representative of the Russia State.
Should Chechnya be allowed to form an independent multi
national state, is a question I simply cannot and would not answer because it
cross - violates, certain political lines I adhere to.
It is valid to ask "what is the economic content of the
national question or rather national factor today in 2004?"
Would it not at least make sense to frame the question, "what
is the future of a former autonomous region in the old Soviet Union." Screaming
self determination is simply ideology devoid of an attempt to make an economic
analysis of the world in which we live.
Is this not a more interesting question rather than lingering
in old dogma?
"One hundred years ago Lenin said . . . and this must be true
for today because Lenin said it," is a refusal to try and unravel the economic
content of our time.
Lenin unraveled the economic content of his time which changed
during the 1920s and again during the 1940 and again during the 1970/80 and
today we are seeing the very real changes in the economic basis of the mode of
production.
Melvin P.
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- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, (continued)
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Chris Doss Sun 27 Jun 2004, 14:00 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, sartesian Sun 27 Jun 2004, 14:03 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Chris Doss Sun 27 Jun 2004, 15:40 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Louis Proyect Sun 27 Jun 2004, 17:11 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Waistline2 Sun 27 Jun 2004, 14:21 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Waistline2 Sun 27 Jun 2004, 14:40 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Waistline2 Sun 27 Jun 2004, 16:20 GMT
- Re: Chronology of Russian-Chechen relations -- part two, Waistline2 Sun 27 Jun 2004, 19:32 GMT
- "Fahrenheit 9/11", Seth Sandronsky Sun 27 Jun 2004, 00:03 GMT