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Edward Herman, Brad Delong and Noam Chomsky



My Very, Very Allergic Reaction To Brad Delong On Chomsky
by Edward S. Herman

July 24, 2003
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In his ?Thoughts? on Chomsky, under the title ?My Very,Very Allergic Reaction to Noam Chomsky: Khmer Rouge, Faurisson, Milosevic,? Brad DeLong is long on name calling, smears by selective choice of decontextualized words and sentences, straightforward misrepresentation, and numerous assertions unsupported by evidence (http://www.j-bradford-delong.net/movable_type/archives/000155.html). He is short on tolerance of viewpoints that he doesn?t like and very short on just plain intellectual integrity. His preening self-regard and pomposity in straightening out Chomsky and his misguided ?surprising number? of ?followers? is also impressive.

In his first two paragraphs he makes the point that Chomsky?s admirers ?form a kind of cult,? but no evidence is given supporting this insult, which is a familiar form of smear to denigrate people admiring someone with whom one disagrees. He then compares teaching such folks to teaching Plato to pigs. So his opening is pure name-calling.

In his next paragraph he tries to engage in substance, and this effort is worth a close look. He says: ?Consider Chomsky?s claim that: ?In the early 1990s, primarily for cynical great power reasons, the U.S. selected Bosnian Muslims as their Balkan clients?? On its face this is ludicrous. When the United States selects clients for cynical great power reasons it selects strong clients?not ones whose unarmed men are rounded up and shot by the thousands. And Bosnian Muslims as a key to U.S. politico-military strategy in Europe? As Bismarck said more than a century ago, ?There is nothing in the Balkans that is worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier.? It holds true today as well: the U.S, has no strategic or security interest in the Balkans that is worth the death of a single Carolinian fire-control technician. U.S. intervention in the Balkans in the 1990s was ?humanitarian? in origin and intention (even if we can argue about its effect). Only a nut-boy loon would argue otherwise.?

The first substantive statement in this paragraph, that the United States always selects strong clients, is truly ?ludicrous?: the United States supported the Nicaraguan contras, Savimbi?s UNITA in Angola, the little rag-tag forces in Nicaragua that it organized to invade Guatemala in 1954, Somoza?s Nicaragua, the Florida and Nicaragua-based invasion force for the Bay of Pigs, the remnants of Chiang Kai Shek?s defeated army in northern Burma following the victory of the communists in China in 1949, Chiang?s Taiwan from 1949, the Persian Gulf Emirates, and many other similarly ?strong clients.? The implication that because the Bosnian Muslims were shot in large numbers they couldn?t have been U.S. clients is not only a non sequitur, it also flies in the face of massive evidence that they were U.S. clients, as any serious book on the subject makes clear (e.g., Lord David Owen?s Balkan Odyssey, Susan Woodward?s Balkan Tragedy, or Diana Johnstone?s Fools? Crusade). This client status is not even controversial. DeLong?s ignorance of this subject area is apparently close to complete, as he fails to note that our Bosnian clients also shot a lot of unarmed men, and that we, in collaboration with the Saudis and Bin Laden , ferried massive supplies and mujahadin troops into Bosnia (as described in detail in the Dutch report on Srebrenica) and bombed the Serbs on behalf of our Bosnian Muslim client in the lead-up to the Dayton agreement.

His next sentence about the Bosnian Muslims as ?a key to U.S. politico-military strategy in Europe? misrepresents and therefore lies about Chomsky?s language?Chomsky didn?t say ?key...in Europe,? he said merely that the U.S. selected the Bosnian Muslims as clients in the Balkans, a narrower statement. DeLong then gives his quote from Bismarck, a phony parade of ?learning? as we can?t know whether Bismarck was correct or whether he even believed what he said, and what was true a century back might not be true now.

DeLong then goes on to say that it is true today that the United States has no strategic or security interest in the Balkans. It goes without saying that he doesn?t offer evidence on this point or discuss contrary facts and views. Many analysts have pointed to: (1) the huge U.S. military base built in Kosovo, which must have some security interest function; (2) the fact that the NATO intervention destroyed the one independent political body in Europe not integrated into the Western political economy--Yugoslavia--and facilitated that integration; (3) the importance of the Caspian oil area and the interest of Western oil companies in possible Balkans transport routes; (4) the link between the Kosovo War and the April 1999 celebration of the 50th anniversary of the birth of NATO with an imminent NATO military triumph; (5) the possible interest of the United States in reasserting its domination of NATO by taking the lead in the Balkans struggles; and (6) the admissions by Clinton, Blair, and Defense Secretary Cohen that the ?credibility of NATO? was a prime reason for the bombing.

But DeLong knows that all this is irrelevant because the U.S. intervention was based on ?humanitarian? motives! This is one of those higher patriotic truths that DeLong grasps by intuition. But although Clinton and Blair were proceeding on the basis of humanitarian motives, you can be sure DeLong will not stop to explain why both of these humanitarians were consistent supporters of, and arms suppliers to, both Suharto and the Turkish regime that was ethnic-cleansing Kurds throughout the 1990s. The same Blair who fought for humanitarian ends with Clinton in 1999 also claims to have been fighting for humanitarian ends with Bush in Iraq in 2003. I wonder if DeLong buys that patriotic line now, or is it only a highly moral Democrat like Clinton who will pursue humanitarian ends? I should mention that Andrew Bacevich?s recent book, American Empire, highly praised in the mainstream, asserts strongly that the United States had no humanitarian concerns at all in its Balkans war-making and that Clinton?s resort to force was merely to establish ?the cohesion of NATO and the credibility of American power.?

So who is the ?nut-boy??Chomsky, or the man who misrepresents his target?s language, regurgitates foolish patriotic truths, displays abysmal ignorance on matters on which he writes as if an authority, and rules out evidence and rational discourse on these matters?

After this proof of Chomsky as a nut-boy, DeLong has a few lines on what Chomsky admirers say when he presents them with that nut-boy phrase on Bosnia. No quotes from the admirers, just alleged paraphrases, with words like ?Oil pipelines!? with an exclamation point, but no serious analyses or answers?just cute little putdowns.

One paraphrased reply mentions Chomsky?s ?insights.? DeLong then goes on as follows: ?Insights? Like his writing a preface for a book by Robert Faurisson,? which he follows up with selective partial quotes like that Chomsky said that Faurisson seemed to be ?a relatively apolitical liberal? and that Chomsky admitted to ?no special knowledge? of the topic Faurisson dealt with and hadn?t read anything by Faurisson ?that suggests that the man was pro-Nazi.?

Neither Chomsky nor his ?followers? ever claimed these phrases were ?insights??that is the trick of a smear artist, who searches for vulnerable language in the target, takes the words out of context, and elevates them to supposed ?insights.? Note too the illogic?it was an alleged ?insight? to write a ?preface.? Note also the dishonesty in not mentioning that the preface was only written as an independent avis and inserted in the book as a preface without Chomsky?s prior approval (see Chomsky?s ?The Right to Say It,? The Nation, Feb. 28, 1981: http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/8102-right-to-say.html).

Most important in this phase of the smear enterprise is DeLong?s refusal to recognize that the avis was solely a defense of the right of free speech and that from beginning to end that was all the struggle was about for Chomsky. It was certainly not about Faurisson?s views or in any way a defense of those views, and DeLong fails to mention that Faurisson was dismissed from his job teaching French literature because the authorities claimed they couldn?t defend him against his enemies, and he was brought to court not for his political views but for ?Falsification of History? (in the matter of gas chambers) and for ?allowing others? to use his work for nefarious ends. This was a major civil liberties case in which, for perhaps the first time in the West, a court decided that the state has a right to determine historical truth.

full: http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=11&ItemID=3948


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