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[PEN-L:354] corrected part 3a judicial findings
Judicial Findings From the Inter-Tribal Tribunal on Residential
Schools in Canada (Held June 12-14, 1998 in Vancouver, B.C.) Submitted
by James M. Craven, Tribunal Judge (c Copyright July 16, 1998, All
Rights Reserved)
On the Issue of Ethnocide Versus Genocide (Part 3)
During the Tribunal, some of us were aware and all of us were
made aware of the distinction between ?ethnocide? and
?genocide? in Law and convention. Consistent with the importance
of ?mens rea? (state of mind and intent) in Tort and Criminal
Law as well as Common Law where degree of intent and calculation
is critical in classifying the level of criminality or liability
(e.g. First-degree versus Second-degree murder versus
Manslaughter), so ethnocide (unintended and non-coerced
assimilation of a minority group into a broader group leading to
the progressive destruction of the national minority group as a
separate and identifiable minority group) is distinguished from
genocide (intended and coerced assimilation and/or outright
extermination of a national minority as a separate and
identifiable group).
It is recognized in conventional economic theory that especially
under national capitalism and capitalist-driven globalization,
that processes of homogenization and equalization through
mobility of capital and labor (equalization of wage rates and
salaries, rents, interest rates and profits) take place daily.
Labor migrates from areas of relatively low wage rates and high
unemployment to areas of relatively low unemployment and
expected higher relative wage rates, thus driving down some and
raising other wage rates. Capital migrates from areas of high
risk and/or relatively low rates of expected profitability to
areas of lower risk and/or relatively higher rates of expected
profitability thus driving down some and raising other rates of
profitability. Financial capital migrates from areas of
relatively high risk and/or low real interest rates to areas of
relatively low estimated risk and/or higher real interest rates
thus driving down some and raising other real interest rates.
Further, no only people, capital and financial capital migrate,
so do value systems, paradigms, power relations and structures,
religious creeds and core principles of whole systems.
Creating and expanding global markets or markets in other
regions of a nation, and expanded reproduction of whole
systems (power structures and relations, defining
institutions, capital-labor relations, value systems,
laws, rights, responsibilities, practices etc.) require
conditioning and assimilating--through increasingly
sophisticated technologies of mind control, persuasion
and social systems engineering--minority nations and
cultures to new values, tastes and preferences,
lifestyles, religions and paradigms of the dominant and
dominating classes and the systems they dominate. In
other words, the core, inner and defining imperatives,
institutions, power relations and structures, values and
practices of capitalism, which make up the inner ?logic?
and shape the dynamics and trajectories of capitalism on
the ?micro? and ?macro? levels, lead inexorably to more
and more homogenization, assimilation and destruction of
national groups as separate and identifiable national
groups--one form of ?Ethnocide.?
-2-
Personally, I feel that the reality of the inner and defining logic
and dynamics of capitalism leading inexorably to increasing
homogenization, assimilation and destruction of national groups and
cultures as separate and identifiable groups and cultures is perhaps a
major reason for the distinction between ?ethnocide? and ?genocide.?
When people ?choose? or are ?induced?--as opposed to having been
clearly forced-- to opt into a new and dominating culture, even on the
margins of that new dominating culture for career or other reasons,
free of having been forced to assimilate, or when combatants are
killed without the ?intent? to kill them because they are members of a
national group targeted for extermination but rather because they are
combatants on the ?other side? of a conflict, this is considered
?ethnocide?. Who wants to say that the inner ?logic? and
derivative/inexorable dynamics and trajectories of capitalism lead to
genocide?
I found it amazing that no one from the Canadian Government or any
of the Churches bothered to challenge or repudiate the assertion
that the practices and policies of the Residential Schools in
Canada collectively and cumulatively constituted one of the
instruments of Genocide against First Nations Peoples in Canada. I
doubt, however, that this represents on their part, a fundamental
stipulation to overwhelming and irrefutable evidence. In fact, in
other forums and other periods of history, there have been clear
attempts to spin various versions of the history of Residential
Schools in Canada even to the point of asserting that
assimilation, even if shown to be forced, would fall short
constituting Genocide under the UN Convention on Genocide,
International Law or other principles of Common Law of Nations.
Both Canada and the United States (also in need of many Tribunals
on Boarding Schools and other instruments of genocide) have
consistently in the past and to this day resisted a full
definition, examination and adjudication of the myriad
dimensions, forms, crimes and effects of genocide. According to
Chrisjohn et al.:
?The draft Genocide Convention proposals included an explicit
statement
proscribing cultural genocide (destruction of the specific
characteristics of a group) as well as biological genocide
(restricting births, sterilisation) and physical genocide
(killing, whether quickly as by mass murder, or slowly as by
economic strangulation). This proposal was immediately
resisted by the United States (whose politicians were
concerned that U.S. treatment of minorities would be in
violation of such injunctions), and their efforts to derail
those provisions were supported by Canada. As a result, the
present version of the Convention is often taken as not
dealing with cultural genocide.? (Chrisjohn et. al, 1997, p
43)
Chrisjohn et al. quoting from ?Minorities and Human Rights Law?
by Patrick Thornberry (London: The Minority Rights Group, 1991,
pp. 13-14) note:
?The classification of genocide here included physical and
biological genocide; -3-
...cultural genocide is not included ?except partially in
the case of forced transfer of children?[our emphasis].
?Existence? is a somewhat circumscribed notion
in this context. It is not genocide if a culture is
destroyed but the carriers of culture are spared. A
forcible assimilation is therefore not proscribed by this
Convention: there is no such offense in international
law.? (Quoted in Chrisjohn, et al. Ibid. pp43-44)
This interpretation of the UN Convention (which Thornberry does
not endorse but merely reports), that there is no such thing as
?cultural? genocide is absurd on the face of it. How can it be
possible to forcibly remove children from their families and
place and indoctrinate them into strange, isolated and foreign
places without ?inflicting serious mental harm on the members of
a group.?(violation of Article II of the UN Convention on
Genocide) even if not accompanied by sexual and physical torture,
starvation, medical experimentation, vilification of the culture
and families of those being abducted etc.? And what kind of
simplistic reductionism separates the importance of physical and
cultural dimensions of persons--?carriers of a culture?--such
that total or even essential personhood or total or essential
existence of an identifiable group is seen in terms of physical
existence only? The originator of the term ?genocide?, Raphael
Lemkin railed against this kind of reductionism in his original
definition:
?Generally speaking, genocide does not necessarily mean the
immediate
destruction of a nation, ?except when? accomplished by mass
killing of all the members of a nation. It is intended rather
to signify a coordinated plan of different actions aimed at
the destruction of the essential foundations of the life of
national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups
themselves. The objective of such a plan would be the
disintegration of the political and social institutions, of
culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the
economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of
personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and the lives of
individuals belonging to such groups. Genocide is the
destruction of the national group as an entity, and the
actions involved are directed against individuals, not in
their individual capacity but as members of the national
group.? (Raphael Lemkin, ?Axis Rule in Occupied Europe?,
Concord, NH: Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace/Rumford Press, 1944, p. 79
quoted in Churchill, 1994, pp.12-13)
Lemkin observed two fundamental phases of genocide:
?Genocide has two phases: one, destruction of the national
pattern of the oppressed group: the other, the imposition of
the national pattern of the oppressor.? (Lemkin, Ibid. p 79
quoted in Churchill, 1994, p. 14)
-4-
How could phase two commence if genocide means only the
destruction of the physical existence of members of the oppressed
group as a means of destroying the physical existence of the
whole group? Yet even part c of Article II of the UN Convention
on Genocide--?Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of
life calculated [the ?mens rea? issue] to bring about its
?physical? destruction in whole or in part?--is but one of the
means--and criteria--for determining if genocide is going on.
Commenting on the lessons and implications of the nazi Holocaust,
Zygmunt Bauman wrote in ?Modernity and the Holocaust? (p. 27):
? ?Ordinarily? genocide is rarely if at all, aimed at the total
annihilation of the group;
the purpose of the violence (if the violence is purposeful and
planned) is to destroy the marked category (a nation, a tribe, a
religious sect) as a viable community capable of
self-perpetuation and defense of its own self-identity. If this
is the case, the objective of the genocide is met once 1) the
volume of violence has been large enough
to undermine the will and resilience of the sufferers, and to
terrorize them into
surrender to the superior power and into acceptance of the order
it imposed; and 2) the marked group has been deprived of
resources necessary for the continuation of the struggle. With
these two conditions fulfilled, the victims are at the mercy of
their tormentors. They may be forced into protracted slavery, or
offered a place in the new order on terms set by the
victors--but which sequel is chosen depends fully on the
conquerors whim. Whichever option has been selected, the
perpetrators of genocide benefit. They extend and solidify their
power and eradicate the roots of the opposition.? (quoted in
Chrisjohn et. al, pp. 45-46)
In 1947, the Lebanese delegate to the U.N. committee that
produced the Draft Convention on Punishment and Prevention of the
Crime of Genocide noted:
?..what is at issue is the ?destruction of a [recognizably
distinct] human group,
even though the individual members survive.? (UN Doc.
E/A.C. 25/S.R. 1-28)
(Quoted in Churchill, 1994, p. 13)
This led to a formulation in the initial U.N. Draft Convention on
Genocide which focused not only upon mass murder or calculated
extermination campaigns, but upon actions and policies which
brought about: ?disintegration of the political, social or
economic structures of a group or nation? and the ?systematic
moral debasement of a group, people or nation.? ( Report of the
United Nations Economic and Social Council, 1947, Part VI quoted
by Churchill, 1994, pp. 13-14 from Robert Davis and Mark Zannis,
?The Genocide Machine in Canada: The Pacification of the North,
Montral, Black Rose Books, 1973, p. 19)
All of this led to the 1948 ?IV Convention On The Prevention And
Punishment Of The Crime Of Genocide which specified:
-5-
a) Article I: Genocide is a crime under International Law whether
committed during times of peace or war;
b) Article II: Killing or causing serious bodily or mental harm or
inflicting conditions calculated to bring about physical destruction
or imposing measures to prevent births or forcibly transferring
children--of an identifiable group targeted for elimination-- is
genocide;
c) Article III: That shall be punishable under the Convention would
not only be genocide per se, but also conspiracy to commit, direct and
public incitement of , attempt to commit, or complicity in, genocide;
d) Article IV: anyone committing genocide (acts under Article II) or
any of the acts under Article III, whether constitutionally
responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals shall be
punished;
e) Article V: Contracting parties undertake to enact, in accordance
with their respective Constitutions, necessary legislation to give
effect to the provisions of the Convention and provide effective
penalties against persons guilty of genocide or Article III acts
[note: does this mean that if the Constitution of a given country
sanctions genocide or acts considered genocidal, that the Country
would be unable to comply or reserve the right not to comply with
Article V or other articles of the Convention, as it would not be
consistent with that country?s Constitution? Does this mean that
genocidal acts or policies--a crime under International Law--might be
seen as a matter of sovereign ?internal affairs? of a given country
and that domestic law would trump international law? This is the
so-called ?sovereignty? exception? position taken by the United
States Government when finally signing the UN Convention in 1988--40
years after it was drafted--and at present ( and was and is the
position of the nazis and a whole host of other genocidal forces];
f) Article VI: Persons charged with genocide or Article III acts shall
be tried by a ?competent tribunal? of the State in the territory of
which the act was committed, or by such international penal tribunal
as may have jurisdiction with respect to those Contracting Parties
which shall have accepted its jurisdiction. [Questions: What happens
when one of those ?Contracting Parties whose ?competent State
tribunals or acceptance of jurisdiction of an international penal
tribunal is one of the entities against which allegations of genocide
or Article III acts is being made?; Which State, even a signatory to
the Convention, allegedly guilty of genocide or acts under Article
III, will likely provide its own Courts or accept the jurisdiction of
other Courts to hear allegations of genocide against itself?]
g) Article VII: Genocide and Article III crimes shall not be
considered as ?political crimes? for purposes of extradition and
Contracting Parties pledge themselves to grant -6-
extradition in accordance with their laws and treaties in force.
[Questions: What if the forces committing genocide are themselves
?Contracting Parties? and effectively constitute a large section of
whole State apparatus?; And in which case, how and to where or what
venue will they be extradited?; What if domestic laws and treaties in
force prevent extradition of parties who refuse to accept or define
genocide as an international crime or if those domestic laws and
treaties fail to include specific language allowing definition of
genocide and Article III extraditable acts?; What if the demand is
made to extradite from one Contracting Party engaging in genocide to
the jurisdiction of another Contracting Party engaging in similar and
even coordinated practices--e.g. U.S. and Canada?
h) Article VIII: ?Any Contracting Party may call upon the competent
organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of
the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and
suppression of acts of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in
Article III.? [Questions: Again, what if the forces directing and
carrying out genocide or any Article III acts represent a large
section of the State of a Contracting Party Country?; Can the victims
of genocide call upon the UN to intervene against the domestic State
which may even be one of the ?Contracting Parties??; And if the
victims can call for action against one of the Contracting Parties
alleged to be conducting genocide or Article III acts, what mechanisms
and venues exist for such allegations to be tried?;
I) Article IX: Disputes between Contracting Parties relating to the
interpretation, application or fulfillment of the Convention,
including responsibility of a State for genocide or for any of the
other Article III acts to be submitted to the International Court of
Justice. [Question: What if the State and Contracting party, alleged
to be guilty of genocide or article III acts, summarily refuses, as
does the United States on any matters other than commercial matters,
to accept the authority and jurisdiction of the ICE?]
j) Article XV: ?If as a result of denunciations, the number of Parties
to the present Convention should become less than sixteen, the
Convention shall cease to be in force as from the date on which the
last of these denunciations shall become effective.? [Question: What
if one of the Contracting Parties is not only a genocidal State, but
also a superpower powerful enough to apply political, economic,
military and other sanctions to obtain enough denunciations to cause
the Convention to cease to be in force? If genocide or Article III
acts are crimes under International Law and Common Law of Nations, why
should it take a minimum number of Contracting Parties to recognize
that fact and to keep the Convention in force?]
The point is that even in the UN Convention all sorts of dodges,
tricks with language, procedural games, summary
non-compliance--even by a ?Contracting Party?--and other escapes
from scrutiny and accountability are possible. This is especially
true when
-7-
considers the extent of personal and systemic interests,
mystifications, future interests and possibilities associated with
genocide, past and present.
The United States and Canada--said to be ?Children of a Common
Mother?--have striking parallels in their own histories in many
ways including in the operations, crimes, policies, intentions
and effects of their Boarding Schools and Residential Schools
respectively. It is interesting to note that the United States,
the leading force in the establishment and execution of the
Nuremberg Tribunals and other War Crimes and Genocide Tribunals
that were instrumental in the development of the UN Convention,
declined to sign on to the Convention for 40 years after it had
been established; Canada finally signed on in 1952. According to
Ward Churchill?s examination:
?The reason for this extensive delay resides primarily, as is
revealed in the records
of Senate debates on the Genocide Convention since it was
referred to that body by President Truman in 1950, in
congressional concern that a broad range of federal policies
vis-à-vis minority populations in the U.S. might be viewed as
genocidally criminal under international law.? ( Lawrence J.
LeBlanc, ?The United States and the Genocide Convention?,
Durham, NC: Duke, University Press, 1991 cited in Churchill,
1994, p. 16)
Finally in 1988, in the closing days of the 100th Congress, based
on the growing disconnect or contradiction between presuming to
lecture other countries all around the world about basic human
rights on the one hand and not having ratified participation in
the UN Convention on the other hand, the U.S. Government enacted
the ?Genocide Convention Implementation Act of 1988? (Title 18,
Part I, USC) which contained language designed from its inception
to provide language that would narrow the applicability of the
Convention to the United States. Deposited with the U.N.
Secretary General in 1988 along with the instrument of treaty
ratification was a summarily asserted amendment called a
?Resolution of Ratification? or the ?Lugar-Helms-Hatch
Sovereignty Package? which contained the following reservation
Article I (2):
[N]othing in the Convention requires or authorizes legislation
or other action by the United States of America prohibited by
the Constitution of the United States as interpreted by the
United States.? (Quoted in Churchill, 1994, p. 17)
Of course that is exactly the argument that the nazis made at
Nuremberg. ?Nothing genocidal we did and no orders we followed
were prohibited by our legal authorities as we interpreted them
and we ruthlessly guarded the sovereignty of and compliance with
our own legal authorities.? In the U.S. Supreme Court decision in
?Reid v Covert? (354, U.S. 1, 1957) ruled that ?any treaty
provision that is inconsistent with the United States
Constitution would simply be invalid under national law? (Quoted
in Churchill, 1994, p. 19) which was one of the authorities used
in the so-called ?Sovereignty Resolution?.
-8-
There is however, the matter of Article VI Section 2 of the U.S.
Constitution that states that treaties are ?the supreme law of
the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby,
anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary
notwithstanding.? Further, there is the matter of Article 27 of
the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (to which the
United States is not a signatory but has recognized as the
?definitive promulgation of the Laws of Nations with regard to
treaty relations?--see Churchill, 1994, p.19 and 49) which notes
that no country may invoke provisions of its domestic law as a
reason for not abiding by its treaty obligations.
I raise U.S. issues and laws not only because of the common
sources of U.S. and Canadian law, or because of the parallels
between the U.S. Boarding Schools and the Canadian Residential
Schools, but also because some of the same summary exceptions and
assertions of ?right of non-interference in ?internal
affairs??--including Genocide and Article III offenses have been
raised by Canadian authorities as well by U.S. authorities.
Through summary language, the intent, content and scope of the
Convention can be circumvented. Effectively countries like the
U.S. and Canada, under the banners of ?sovereignty? and ?right of
non-interference in internal affairs.? can seek:
?to retain prerogatives to engage in or sanction policies and
activities
commonly understood as being genocidal, even while professing
to condemn genocide.? (Churchill, Ibid. p. 18)
During the setting up of the Nuremberg Tribunal, when the U.S.
and other allies were accused of applying ?ex post facto? law
(nullem crimen sine lege or nulla poena sine lege previa) and
uncodified international legal principles to the Nazis, noted
that although much of what needed to be examined at trial had
never been formally codified in international law or officially
accepted by Germany, nonetheless:
?International law shall be taken to include the principles of
the law of nations
as they result from the usages established among civilized
people, from the laws of humanity, and the dictates of public
conscience.? (Quoted in Churchill, 1994, p.22)
Finally, there is the U.N. Charter to which the U.S. and Canada
are signatories which asserts and is generally recognized that
the U.N. may declare principles of international law binding on
even non-member nations. Further:
?The concept of offenses against the [customary] law of nations
(delicti juris
gentium) was recognized by the classical text writers on
international law and has been employed in national
constitutions and statutes. It was regarded as sufficiently
tangible in the eighteenth century so that United States
Federal Courts sustained indictments charging acts as an
offense against the law of...
-9-
...nations, even if there were no statutes defining the
offense. Early in the nineteenth century it was held
that criminal jurisdiction of federal courts rested only
on statutes though the definition of crimes denounced by
statutes might be left largely to international law.
Thus ?piracy? as defined by the law of nations is an
indictable offense in federal courts and all offenses
against the law of nations are indictable at common law
in state courts.? (Quincy Wright, ?The Law of the
Nuremburg Trial? in Jay w. Baird, ed. ?From Nuremberg to
My Lai, Lexington, MA. DC Heath and Co., 1972, p. 37,
quoted in Churchill, 1994, p. 21)
And yet as I write this, with one day left for the deadline
for agreement of nations to form a standing World Court to
deal with war crimes and genocide, the United States and some
allies resist formation of such a court on the basis of
summary assertions of ?sovereignty? leaving the impression
that war crimes and genocide might be a matter of ?internal
affairs? about which they have the ?right? to demand
non-interference from other nations, the U.N. and presumably
from the victims themselves.
On the question of ?mens rea? or the requisite intent to forcibly
assimilate and/or extinguish a whole people all sorts of
deceptive arguments are made. One argument may be called the
?Zeitgeist? argument which goes something like this: as all forms
of life are in process and development, so it is with people and
nations; we cannot judge the commonly-accepted standards, moral
codes and practices of past periods of history, through the
prism of today?s standards, moral codes and acceptable practices.
To this we have to ask by whom were these past standards, moral
codes and practices accepted? Whose perspective are we adopting
with this line of argument? In Nazi Germany, there were indeed
large groups of people who did not ?commonly accept? the
prevailing moral codes, standards and practices: Jews, Gypsies,
Homosexuals, Communists, Trade-Unionists, Peoples of Conquered
Territories, Prisoners of War, etc. And does this then mean that
all standards, morality and practices are essentially
subjective--you like genocide and I don?t, just like you like to
have a blue car and I prefer red?
Then there is the
?perhaps-we-were-misguided-but-we-had-honest--as-opposed-to
criminal-intent? argument. This is referred to as the ?Standard
Account? by Chrisjohn et al.:
?Residential Schools were created out of the largesse of
the federal government
and the missionary imperatives of the major churches as a
means of bringing the advantages of Christian
civilisation to Aboriginal populations. With the benefit
of late-20th century hindsight, some of the means with
which this task was undertaken may be seen to have been
unfortunate, but it is important to understand that this
work was undertaken with the best of humanitarian
intentions. Now, in any large organization, isolated
incidence of abuse may occur, and such abuses may
have occurred in some Indian Residential Schools...
-10-
...In any event, individuals who attended Residential
Schools now
appear to be suffering lo
James Craven
Dept. of Economics,Clark College
1800 E. McLoughlin Blvd. Vancouver, WA. 98663
jcraven@xxxxxxxxx; Tel: (360) 992-2283 Fax: 992-2863
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Hitler's concept of concentration camps as well as the practicality
of genocide owed much, so he claimed, to his studies of English and
United States history. He admired the camps for Boer prisoners in
South Africa and for the Indians in the Wild West; and often praised
to his inner circle the efficiency of America's extermination--by
starvation and uneven combat--of the 'Red Savages' who could not be
tamed by captivity." ("Adolf Hitler" by John Toland, p. 702)
"Set the blood-quantum at one-quarter, hold to it as a rigid
definition of Indians, let intermarriage proceed...and eventually
Indians will be defined out of existence. When that happens,the
federal government will finally be freed from its persistent
Indian problem." (Patricia Nelson Limerick, "The Legacy of
Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West" p338)
*My Employer has no association with My Private and Protected Opinion*
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
- Thread context:
- [PEN-L:340] Indonesia,
Louis Proyect Wed 29 Jul 1998, 13:39 GMT
- [PEN-L:338] Re: Re: Saving Private Ryan,
Louis Proyect Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:35 GMT
- [PEN-L:355] corrected 3b judicial findings,
James Michael Craven Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:32 GMT
- [PEN-L:337] Re: Re: Saving Private Ryan,
Mike Yates Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:32 GMT
- [PEN-L:354] corrected part 3a judicial findings,
James Michael Craven Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:27 GMT
- [PEN-L:336] Re: College President or CEO?,
valis Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:18 GMT
- [PEN-L:353] corrected part 2 judicial findings,
James Michael Craven Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:18 GMT
- [PEN-L:352] corrected part 1 judicial findings,
James Michael Craven Wed 29 Jul 1998, 12:15 GMT
- [PEN-L:351] part 1 judicial findings,
James Michael Craven Wed 29 Jul 1998, 11:56 GMT
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