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---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 19 Jan 2000 10:09:39 -0000 From: clyder <wpc@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> > Price flexibility led, in the case of the USSR (e.g. in the NEP) and in > various E. European economies (e.g. Poland in the 70's and early 80's) to > a change in the *terms of trade* between the working-class and the > peasantry (or between the working class and firms that produce means of > consumption as was the case in Hungary during the NEM in the late 60's > and Yugoslavia in the 70's). I.e. without some time of state restraint on > consumer prices, the living standard of workers can be reduced (witness, > in more recent years, what happened in Russia when price controls were > removed). So, I think that we have to recognize that "price flexibility" > is not a class neutral policy. It depends upon production relations. Certainly where agriculture remained private, price flexibility redistributed income in favour of peasants. Where agriculture is collectivised or in the form of state farms there is no longer the same class distinction, and no reason why the state should favour the urban over the rural population. There were two types of problems associated with prices, one was due to the policy of selling agricultural products below their values, where this was pursued in an extreeme form as in Poland this led to the shops selling out of meat etc as soon as it came in. It could be argued that the real problem in Poland was the very primitive small scale agriculture that existed after Gomulka reversed collectivisation. This meant that the labour content of food was higher than it would be in most developed industrial economies. My impression from traveling around Eastern Europe in the 80s was that countries like Bulgaria and the GDR which had fully collectivised agriculture did not have the visible food shortages that Poland had. It is worth noting that Poland was not a formally a socialist republic unlike the CSSR etc. The second type of problem associated with prices, related not to relative prices but to the aggregate price level relative to the money stocks in the hands of the working population. This stemmed from the budget deficit that several of the Eastern European states ran. This was a condition for the chronic excess demand. You raised the question of taxes lowering the standard of living. This is to confuse the symbolic with the actual. The actual standard of living was determined by the produtivity of labour and the proportion of labour allocated to the consumer goods and social services sector by the plan. Taxation does not alter this, its function in a socialist economy is solely to regulate the stocks of money held by the population. To the extent that distinct classes with different sources of income still exist, the tax policy may have class effects. If I understand things properly in several of the eastern block countries income tax was only paid by those who were private traders. The rest of the state budget came from turnover taxes. I think that there are serious issues to be addressed relating to the optimal form of taxes in communist economies, but leaving that asside, it remains essential that mechanisms exist to ensure that the issue of tokens for the purchase of consumer goods ( be they labour tokens or Roubles) is in balance with the production of such goods.
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