[Marxism] Obama's Cairo speech deserves to be studied closely

["Fred Feldman" <ffeldman@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

I am submitting this to the list because I feel that a genuine discussion of
this speech, not just radical critique -- I thought Eli Stephens'  points on
the Marxmail list were all sound -- but what it reflects about the world
today and the US position it it. Including how the US ruling circles or the
currently dominant sector that backs Obama Most importantly, whether and, if
yes, how the situation will be affected by what he said. 

I am appending Prof. Mark Jensen's critical comments on the speech, because
they are of interest in a serious discussion. 

We should keep in mind that the last time Obama placed the soft-cop image on
display in Port au Prince, Trinidad, his words did not have the affect of
bringing his hearers more into line with Washington. In fact that were
followed by a shift toward stronger workers activity in Venezuela, and to a
lesser degree elsewhere, and gave the Latin governments more nerve to force
the US to swallow the revoking of Cuba's suspension. 

I personally see Venezuelan President Chavez's gift of a copy of "What is to
be done?" to Obama as signifying that while it is wonderful to have friendly
and normal relations with this administration, the revolutionary process in
Venezuela is not changing its course away from US domination and capitalism.


Will the effects of this approach in the Middle East be any more to
strengthen the hand of US imperialism in that region than his effort in
Latin America so far, or will it be an opening for the inevitable weakening
of the US grip (the biggest problem he faces is that it is inevitable, I
think) may proceed in a somewhat more civil way. Something that I do not
think would satisfy Obama, who aims at the restoration of the US to its
former pre-eminence in part through sweet talk and rhetoric which shows both
a certain literary talent and oratorical power. 

At any rate these problems can be traced through the succession of
giving-with-one-hand and taking-away-the-other pronouncements that speckle
the speech. 

There is more to talk about here than the fact that he is representing
imperialism, though that is always worth reminding ourselves and others.
Fred Feldman 

DOCUMENT: In Cairo, Obama appeals to world's Muslims 'for a new beginning' 

[Declaring that "So long as our relationship is defined by our differences,
we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace," President Barack
Obama chose in his long-awaited address "to the Muslim world," delivered at
Al-Azhar University in Cairo on Thurs., Jun. 4, 2009, to emphasize
commonalities. -- Obama spoke for fifty-five minutes. -- 

He said that both "the United States" and "Muslims around the world" hold
"common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the
dignity of all human beings."[1] -- "[L]et there be no doubt," the president
said in words that are sure to rile right-wing Christianists in the U.S.,
"Islam is a part of America." -- 

Obama spoke with more than customary frankness about U.S. wars in the region
(which he declined to denominate a "War on Terror") and about U.S. support
for Israel. -- But he was unconvincing on the subject of Palestine,
instructing Palestinians that they "must abandon violence" because
"resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed"
only minutes after telling his audience that the U.S. invaded Afghanistan
"because of necessity." -- To Muslim ears, preaching from an American
presiding over a military that accounts for half the world's "defense"
budget to the effect that "violence is a dead end" must appear not only
hypocritical but also laughable. -- Still, Obama did seem to hold open the
possibility of recognition of Hamas. -- And he said that "The United States
does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements," and that
"It is time for these settlements to stop." -- 

With respect to Iran, Obama seemed to express determination to pursue
comprehensive settlement of differences: "[W]e will proceed with courage,
rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two
countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the
basis of mutual respect." -- 

The president also addressed, rather boldly, women's issues and, rather
timidly, economic opportunity. -- In conclusion, Obama waxed philosophical:
"All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is
whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we
commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground
. . . It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame
others than to look inward. . . . There's one rule that lies at the heart of
every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
(Applause.) This truth . . . [is] a faith in other people, and it's what
brought me here today. . . . The people of the world can live together in
peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on
Earth." --Mark Jensen] 

http://www.ufppc.org/content/view/8694/
ON A NEW BEGINNING By President Barack Obama 

Office of the Press Secretary 
(Cairo,Egypt) 

Cairo University Cairo, Egypt 

June 4, 2009 -- 1:10 p.m. (Local) [3:10 a.m. PDT] 

Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city
of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a
thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for
over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.
And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm
grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.
And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and
a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu
alaykum. (Applause.) 

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims
around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any
current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes
centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious
wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights
and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority
countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own
aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and
globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions
of Islam. 

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent
minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001, and the continued
efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led
some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America
and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear
and more mistrust. 

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower
those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather
than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and
prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end. 

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States
and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual
respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not
exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share
common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the
dignity of all human beings. 

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been
a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate
years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon
all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced
that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things
we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.
There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each
other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran
tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That
is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled
by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as
human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. 

Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian,
but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of
Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of
the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I
worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their
Muslim faith. 

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was
Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning
through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and
Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it
was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;
our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and
printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.
Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless
poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful
contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words
and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
(Applause.) 

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first
nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli
in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in
itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of
Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United
States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government,
they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have
taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've
won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And
when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the
oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our
Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library.
(Applause.) 

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where
it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership
between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.
And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United
States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
(Applause.) 

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. 
(Applause.) Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not
the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been
one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We
were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the
ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for
centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around
the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the
Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many,
one." 

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name
Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal
story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come
true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our
shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country
today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher
than the American average. (Applause.) 

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice
one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union,
and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States
government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear
the hijab and to punish those who would deny it. 
(Applause.) 

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that
America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or
station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and
security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our
families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the
hope of all humanity. 

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our
task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be
met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the
challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us
all. 

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system
weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu
infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear
weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent
extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across
an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a
stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to
share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to
one another as human beings. 

And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has
often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions --
subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new
age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world
order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will
inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners
to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress
must be shared. (Applause.) 

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it
suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that
spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific
issues that I believe we must finally confront together. 

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its
forms. 

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war
with Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent
extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the
same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men,
women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the
American people. 

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to
work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and
the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we
went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would
question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda
killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men,
women, and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing
to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,
claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to
kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are
trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these
are facts to be dealt with. 

Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We
see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for
America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically
difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one
of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent
extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. 

And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And
despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed,
none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many
countries. They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any
other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the
rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy
Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has
killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a
person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith
of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.
Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an
important part of promoting peace. 

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the
problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5
billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to
build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions
to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than
$2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that
people depend on. 

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of
choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without
the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have
reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international
consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we
can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom
will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the
greater it will be." 

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future
-- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people
-- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no
bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is
its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next
August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically
elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to
remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. 
(Applause.) We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its
economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and
never as a patron. 

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we
must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous
trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was
understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our
traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course.
I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and
I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
(Applause.) 

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and
the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities
which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and
unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. 

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation
between Israelis, Palestinians, and the Arab world. 

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable.
It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the
aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot
be denied. 

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and
anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow,
I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews
were enslaved, tortured, shot, and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six
million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel
today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.
Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about
Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis
this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of
this region deserve. 

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people --
Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more
than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee
camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and
security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily
humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation. So let there
be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for
dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. 
(Applause.) 

For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate
aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's
easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement
brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the
constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its
borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or
the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for
the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis
and Palestinians each live in peace and security. 
(Applause.) 

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and
the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this
outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. 
(Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed
to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them --
and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities. 

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing
is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America
suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.
But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful
and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's
founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South
Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth:
that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to
shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's
not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered. 

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The
Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions
that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some
Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To
play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian
people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements,
recognize Israel's right to exist. 

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to
exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not
accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This
construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve
peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. (Applause.) 

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians
can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates
Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not
serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in
the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be
a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to
enable such progress. 

And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative
was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The
Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of
Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to
help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their
state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a
self-defeating focus on the past. 

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say
in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.
(Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize
that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for
a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be
true. 

Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have
a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and
Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land
of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;
when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and
Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully
together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra,
when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.
(Applause.) 

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and
responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. 

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the
Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by
its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history
between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role
in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the
Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and
violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known.
Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders
and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is
not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. 

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will
proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to
discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward
without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all
concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive
point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a
nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the
world down a hugely dangerous path. 

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others
do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear
weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a
world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. 
(Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to
access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under
the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the
treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful
that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
[snip full: http://www.ufppc.org/content/view/8694/]



________________________________________________
YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
Send list submissions to: Marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Set your options at: 
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40archives.econ.utah.edu