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Re: [Marxism] The "turn to industry" of the 70s and 80s



I belonged to a group that joined the SWP in August, 1977. The "turn"
had been announced at a plenum meeting of the National Committee of the
SWP to which the leadership of my little group was invited. Their
response was overwhelmingly positive.

Many of us had despised the SWP for its refusal to have anything to do
with the actual working class during the period 1970-1976, as we moved
from the International Socialists (newspaper then: IS) to the
Revolutionary Socialist League (newspaper then: The Torch) to the
Revolutionary Marxist Committee (no newspaper, too small).

It's important to remember the context. We radicalized in the immediate
wake of the Kent State massacre, and a bunch of us for rather funny and
bizarre reasons wound up doing strike support for a Teamster wildcat
then unfolding in Los Angeles and Cleveland. That fall there was a
gigantic auto strike which we were actually able to intervene it
locally, believe it or not. The Miners for Democracy was a very live
organization at that time. Although we considered the union movement
quiescent in genral and unbelievably backward, the truth is that those
times were the last of any generalized labor unrest. We got involved in
theTeamster wildcat strike, for instance, because the workers SOUGHT US
OUT to help them walk their picket lines since they were enjoined from
doing so. Anybody had that experience recentlySo those of us in the RMC
got pretty excited about the , like anytime in the last thirty years?

To us, it seemed as if the SWP had layers and layers of blinders on. Why
couldn't they see this and get into it? I got an answer from someone no
less authoritative than Fred Halstead when I attended a meeting at his
house called to formulate a broad left response to the Teamster scabbing
on the United Farm Workers. He knew nothing of me, and all I knew of him
was that he was the guy always typing in the SWP headquarters whenever I
went to their heavily fortified bookstore to buy books and bait them. At
that meeting, Halstead dismissed a bunch of the Teamsters we had been
working with because they had bad politics (read: no interest) in the
antiwar movement, which was the lodestone of the SWP at the time. And
Halstead was no slouch, no receiver of the party line, but a genuine
revolutionary thinker pretty much unafraid to speak his mind, Jack
Barnes notwithstanding.

So those of us from the RMC got pretty excited about the "Turn to
Industry." But let me back up for a moment and describe the SWP as it
looked to a very recently recruited outsider. First, the SWP was at the
height of its membership. There were over 2,000 members when the 1977
convention was held in August. The party had many many branches, five in
Chicago, I believe 7 in New York -- all in the wake of a "turn" to
communities of color, prompted, I believe, by the fight in the teachers
union in New York. Others with a deeper history in the party than myself
could tell that part of the story better than I. In any case, just as I
moved to Chicago in the wake of the 1977 convention, the SWP was
dramatically reducing the number of branches and began to bleed the new
members who had joined on the basis of having a party branch in their
community. It got to be pretty widely known that the SWP had decided it
didn't really want those people in the party anyway, not sufficiently
committed.

So the turn to industry was the "next thing" following the turn to
communities. It was much tighter than the turn to communities, which I
SUSPECT got out of hand because the SWP just did not have the cadre to
force all those new branches into the old mold. As a rail worker in
Chicago, for instance, I could not call up a pal in Minneapolis and ask
what they were doing and how it had worked. I couldn't even see the
minutes of their fraction. Those went directly to New York, so that the
only people who knew what was going on on a national or even regional
scale was the national trade union leadership, which was pretty much the
national leadership. The net effect of this was to keep local industrial
fractions in any given industry from taking any initiative on their own.
Everything had to be led from the top. Of course, whatever got proposed
was always proposed by one or another rank-and-filer or local leader
from this or that of the other branch, so it never appeared to be what
it was: a national stranglehold. Naturally, the ability to participate
in your workplace, figure things out, take them to the branch, start
something up, was just totally worthless to the SWP, which just hated
people who could do this and who went around doing it. The SWP just did
not want to be part of things that unfolded organically from ongoing
struggles in the working class. So it was not so much a turn as a golem
of a turn, a sui generis endeavor designed not to immerse the party in
the struggles of the oppressed, but to use the trade union movement as a
way to fragment to party further and leave the national leadership as
the only grouping within the party with any cohesion.

In just a few years what little activity issued from the turn was choked
off by the "talking socialism to your co-workers" permanent campaign,
which had the effect of turning party members into industrial talking
heads -- just what our co-workers needed, right? But the net effect of
this, which was repeated in all arenas of activity, was to remove
members further and further from the real life of their co-workers, to
make us weirdos. It was a process not really dissimilar from what the
Spartacists did to their new members, which they called "creaturizing."

Well, enough from me on this for now. I can get into more detail if
anyone is interested. All this really belongs under the heading of How
the SWP was Transformed Into a Cult.

David McDonald

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