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[Marxism] PSL: The truth behind China's Charter 08 manifesto
From: http://www.pslweb.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=11367
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
By: Eugene Puryear
Liberal language cloaks counterrevolutionary aims
U.S. imperialism has begun another effort to overthrow the government of the
People's Republic of China. As it did during the decades-long struggle to
overthrow the governments of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the main
instruments in the imperialist media apparatus are seeking to discredit or
delegitimize the government of China while elevating minuscule
counterrevolutionary groups assembled under the banner of "human rights" and
"democracy."
These groups may have little support inside of China, but they are given a
global platform and credibility by mass coverage in the Washington Post, New
York Times, CNN and other capitalist media outlets.
The Washington Post's prominent coverage of China's Charter 08 is a case in
point. A mortal enemy of socialism, this group received a few thousand
signatures on its Internet petition calling for a return to full capitalism and
the removal of the Chinese Communist Party.
In spite of their negligible support inside of China, the Washington Post's
lead editorial of January 30 was entitled "Virtual Groundswell: Why China's
leadership should talk to the Charter 08 movement."
This same newspaper refused to print a single article about the tens of
thousands of people who poured into the streets of Washington, D.C., in January
to protest U.S. support for the Israeli military assault against Gaza. This
bastion of "media objectivity" never called on the U.S. government to "talk to
those organizing mass protests" within a few feet of the doorstep of the
Washington Post's headquarters. On the contrary, the Post pretended that the
protests were not happening.
The reason for the difference in the Post's coverage between the Charter 08 in
Beijing and the demonstrations in Washington, D.C., is clear: one protest
movement serves imperialism, while the other stands in solidarity with those
who resist it.
The Post editorial states: "Thanks to that technology, the new democracy
movement has been able to amass a virtual crowd of supporters. As Ariana
Eunjung Cha reported in The Post, more than 8,100 Chinese from all walks of
life have signed the manifesto first issued by 300 artists and intellectuals
last month. That makes Charter 08 the largest pro-democracy movement Beijing
has known since the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests—and it demonstrates that the
Communist Party's creaking totalitarianism has become intolerable for many
people—teachers, engineers, businessmen, farmers, construction workers."
This is nothing but anti-communist propaganda masquerading as professional
journalism.
The ANSWER Coalition (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism) has collected
hundreds of thousands (not 8,100) of signers on to letters calling for a
lifting of the U.S. blockade of Cuba. They included teachers, engineers,
workers—and probably even a few "businessmen." The Washington Post never
suggested those signatures offered proof that Washington was guilty of
"creaking" colonialism toward Cuba or anything of the kind. In fact, the "free
press" refused to cover this genuine groundswell of grassroots activity.
Examining the politics of Charter 08
Signatories to Charter 08 represent a right-wing movement shrouded in
progressive phraseology and allusions to the ideas of the French and American
revolutions. In fact, these forces offer a program that can only lead to
greater misery among the vast majority of Chinese people.
The charter starts out with a brief history of China. It reads in part,
"Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward
modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil
war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism."
This version of history is a lie and the vast majority in China reject it. The
"Nationalist" government— run by Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang—completely
prostrated China to outside imperialist powers.
Under the pro-imperialist nationalist government, over 1 million people died
each year of starvation. Women suffered tremendous oppression. Opium addiction
was at epidemic levels. The vast majority of people were organized into the
most brutal labor conditions. There was no health care or education except for
a few elites. A mere 10 percent of the population owned 70 percent of the land
prior to the 1949 revolution.
The Charter goes on to say: "The 'new China' that emerged in 1949… has produced
a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the
Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (19581960), the Cultural
Revolution (19661969)."
This is their summation of the most revolutionary period in Chinese history.
The Charter's authors erase from history the progressive role of the post-1949
Chinese communist government, which, in the words of economist Arthur G.
Ashbrook Jr., "gets full marks for drawing all China together into one national
economic unit … [It] began an extensive program of public health and
sanitation, suppressed banditry, provided a tolerably even distribution of
available food and clothing, and repaired and extended the badly neglected
system of dikes."
The public health system implemented by the revolutionary Chinese government
eliminated typhoid and cholera in three short years. The Chinese communists
rebuilt the country under the most trying of circumstances from what the
Charter's own authors concede to have been a "national crisis." By 1955, opium
addiction and prostitution had been wiped out.
The history of the Chinese revolution is lengthy and complex. But the charter
presents the entire revolutionary period of China's history as the darkest of
nights. Its authors willingly reject the most basic and well-known gains of the
Chinese revolution. Their attitude toward the advances made by the Chinese
peasantry and working class speaks volumes about their real aims and
motivations.
Friends and enemies
The New York Review of Books approvingly connects the dots between Charter 08
and Czechoslovakia's Charter 77. Though hardly worthy of praise, the
similarities indeed are there.
The Charter 08 authors share the tradition of reactionary currents within the
socialist bloc—the likes of the Czech dissident movement and Poland's
"Solidarity" movement. These counterrevolutionary currents were also championed
and supported by imperialism and even some deeply misguided leftists and
progressives.
These movements have all raised abstract slogans of "democracy" and "human
rights" whose concrete form has invariably been a return to capitalism and the
rollback of socialist gains. They politically exploit the grievances of
workers—real or fabricated—to advance their counterrevolutionary agenda. They
reveal their true class character by embracing right-wing forces and abetting
the predations of U.S. imperialism.
One must only recall Solidarity's Lech Walesa and his welcoming of the election
of Ronald Reagan. Equally telling was his embrace of Pope John Paul II, who had
just launched a crusade against Liberation Theology—a progressive Christian
current with particularly strong influence in Latin American liberation
struggles.
Likewise, one should remember the economic breakup and integration of
Czechoslovakia into the Western sphere of influence. The overthrow of socialist
Czechoslovakia was in fact the very bulwark of the pro-imperialist reaction
that would eventually culminate in the overthrow of the Soviet Union itself—a
historic defeat from which the working class has yet to recover.
Imperialism knows very well its friends from its enemies. Despite their
progressive-sounding protestations, capitalist powers and their media trumpet
only those political forces that will advance their interests.
Capitalist reforms versus counterrevolution
With the coming anniversary of the Tiananmen Square incident—a
counterrevolutionary effort painted in the West as a "struggle for democracy"—
Charter 08 is a conscious attempt by a section of the Chinese capitalist class
and its allies to foment support for a total capitalist restoration in China.
As the Soviet example unequivocally demonstrates, such a restoration would be
an unmitigated tragedy for the people of China, Asia and the rest of the world.
The recent economic boom that further concentrated wealth in the hands of U.S.
billionaires and led to the subsequent worldwide economic crisis involved, as a
central component, the super-exploitation of Chinese workers. Still, foreign
capitalists frequently complain about the onerous "regulations, laws, red tape"
in China that make it impossible for them to make even more profit.
Capitalist reforms have made substantial inroads and reached dangerous levels
in China in the past three decades. At the same time, the Chinese capitalist
class as well as imperialist forces abroad still lack control over the
commanding heights of the country's economy and have limited political power.
Though Chinese socialism has suffered severe setbacks, these setbacks fall
short of the capitalist counterrevolution sought by Washington. This is not
merely a quantitative observation, but a qualitative one.
There is divided opinion within the U.S. foreign policy establishment and among
Wall Street executives over what stance to take toward China. To the extent
that China has opened the door to foreign direct investment, many of the top
U.S. bankers are content to make huge profits in China and seek a stable
relationship with the current Chinese government.
However, other powerful forces—including the Washington Post—are aggressively
promoting an anti-communist takeover that would displace the Chinese Communist
Party. There are forces within the Obama administration that may also, for a
variety of reasons, promote a harder line against the People's Republic of
China.
Due to China's integration into the world capitalist economy, millions of
Chinese workers have lost their jobs in the last year as the global demand for
Chinese products slows. This is seen as a new political opening for
counterrevolution.
The Washington Post reflects the opinion held by some of the same western
capitalist bankers and governments that created the global depression; namely,
that the new economic crisis will lead to political instability inside China
and create the conditions for the overthrow of the current government. Charter
08 is a political creation by these outside powers. As such, it is an enemy of
the aspirations of the Chinese people to determine the destiny of their country.
The CCP government, in spite all of its contradictions, remains the most
important obstacle to the return of China to its previous state of
semi-colonial slavery. The government first introduced capitalist reforms as a
means to overcome the severe economic underdevelopment that was the legacy of
colonialism and imperialist domination. These reforms marked a sharp departure
from the path followed by the Communist Party during the Mao era.
The "opening up" of China to foreign investment and private capitalism has
spurred economic development, but also led to gross inequalities and class
divisions. China is now also more vulnerable to full-scale counterrevolution.
At the same time, the pro- capitalist reforms have been limited and not
wholesale. Faced with an intensified imperialist offensive, the CCP leadership
could change course, turning to the working class for support and reinstituting
socialist measures.
However unlikely, the path to a renewal or strengthening of socialist methods
is possible as long as the CCP retains its hold on state power. No other
revolutionary communist movement exists in China outside of the CCP that could
replace the current government with a more socialist perspective. Under the
current political conditions, the overthrow of the Chinese Communist Party
would hurl China backwards into the arms of imperialist enslavement.
Progressives and revolutionaries in the United States should see this Charter
for what it really is: a U.S.-backed Trojan horse aimed at overthrowing the
Chinese government and replacing it with a free-market capitalist government.
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