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[Marxism] Firing The Boss
Firing The Boss: An Interview with Chicago Factory Occupation
Organizer
Written by Benjamin Dangl
Thursday, 15 January 2009
On December 5, 2008 over 200 recently-fired workers at the Republic
Window and Doors factory in Chicago occupied their plant, demanding
that they be paid their vacation and severance checks. The occupation
ended victoriously six days later when the Bank of America and other
lenders to Republic agreed to pay the workers the approximately $2
million owed to them.
But the workers didn’t stop there. They are now seeking ways to
restart the factory and potentially operate it as a worker-run
cooperative. The workers are also filing charges against their former
employer for failing to give the workers sufficient notice of plans
to shut the factory down; the workers were only given three days’
notice, and the management refused to negotiate with the workers’
union about the closure.
In this interview Mark Meinster, the International Representative for
the United Electrical Workers (UE) - the union the Republic workers
belong to - talks about his role as the coordinator for the plant
occupation, connections between the struggle of the Republic workers
and workers struggles and tactics in South America, the fight to re-
open the plant, and what the Republic workers’ strategies say about
social change in an economic downturn.
Benjamin Dangl: First, please briefly describe your role in the
union, in the occupation of the Republic Windows and Doors factory,
and the ongoing struggle of the Republic workers.
Mark Meinster: I'm an International Representative for the United
Electrical Workers (UE). My primary responsibility is to oversee the
union's organizing work and staff in Chicago, IL and Milwaukee, WI.
I was the lead organizer on the effort to organize the Republic
workers into UE in 2004 and led negotiations for a first contract in
2005. Since then I and UE Field Organizer Leah Fried have worked
with the local on leadership and steward training, grievance handling
and contract negotiations. I coordinated the plant occupation at
Republic Windows and Doors and participated in negotiations with the
employer and the financial institutions involved and continue to work
on efforts to reopen the plant.
BD: Could you please talk about some of the connections you see
between the Republic workers' struggle and actions, and the
strategies and experiences of similar workers groups in Argentina and
Venezuela and the landless farmers in Brazil? How did you learn about
these struggles and come to apply them in Chicago as a union organizer?
MM: Obviously there is a long history of workers taking actions of
this type, both within the US and in other countries. Because there
have been very few plant occupations in the US since the 1930's, we
needed to look to workers' struggles in other countries for recent
guidance. For example the Canadian Auto Workers, who have engaged in
similar actions over the past twenty years to protest plant closings
and win severance benefits, provided us with invaluable technical
advice.
But in many respects workers' struggles in Latin America were the
biggest inspiration for the Republic occupation. I had read about
the land occupations carried out by the Movimento dos Trabalhadores
Rurais Sem Terra in an interview with Joao Pedro Stedile in 2002. I
was struck by the MST's focus on popular education and leadership
development, and especially the way they placed the occupation tactic
within the context of the right to unused land enshrined in the
Brazilian constitution. The occupation, although technically an
illegal tactic, was used to enforce a legal right. This gives
workers confidence and places the struggle on a moral plane, allowing
for more significant community and political support. We drew on
this concept in planning the Republic occupation.
Current UE Local 1110 president Armando Robles attended the World
Social Forum in Caracas, Venezuela in 2006. There he heard from
workers from Inveval, a "recovered" factory in Venezuela. They had
inspired a movement of workers occupying and running factories, with
the help of the government, that had been abandoned by bosses who had
fled the country. Armando returned from that experience politicized
and inspired. I visited Venezuela in 2007 and spent time visiting
worker-run co-ops. I was struck by the workers' investment in the
revolutionary process and their ability to run production without
management.
We drew on the Argentine factory occupations to the extent that they
show that during an economic crisis, workers movements are afforded a
wider array of tactical options. Militant action can win public
support during a downturn in ways that would have been impossible
before. In fact, the film "The Take" was screened in the factory
during the occupation in a makeshift movie theater set up in the
locker room.
BD: Is there a plan to transform the Republic factory into a worker-
run cooperative? If so, how did the decision to do this come about?
At this point, how is the process going of setting this up?
MM: At this point we are working to find a buyer for the factory,
focusing on firms specializing in energy efficient windows. Though
we are also exploring the idea of a cooperative enterprise, the fact
that no real movement of worker-run enterprises exists in the US
makes this option much more difficult at this point. The workers
have set up an entity, called the "Windows of Opportunity Fund", to
help provide technical assistance and study this and other
possibilities for re-starting production.
BD: Could you comment on the role the Republic workers' struggle in
inspiring workers across the US to take up similar tactics to
confront unemployment and problems related to the current US economic
downturn?
MM: I think the Republic struggle shows we can win support for bold
tactics, especially when we think carefully about how we project the
struggle to the public. Time will tell whether the Republic
struggle will be viewed as a bell-weather event or a flash in the
pan. On the one hand, the occupation led to a huge outpouring of
support - from solidarity rallies all across the country to donations
of money, food and essential supplies. That this support was on a
scale unthinkable only a year ago is proof that this action spoke to
the desire of working class people to seek ways to resist to the
current economic onslaught. On the other hand, for this event to be
a spark others will have to pick up the baton. That means organized
labor will have to take some measure of risk, embracing militant
tactics when necessary and abandoning its reliance on political
maneuvering as the primary means for the advancement of a working
class agenda.
***
Benjamin Dangl is the author of The Price of Fire: Resource Wars and
Social Movements in Bolivia (AK Press). He is the editor of
TowardFreedom.com, a progressive perspective on world events, and
UpsideDownWorld.org, a website on activism and politics in Latin
America.
Related articles:
Finding Common Ground in Crisis: Social Movements in South America
and the US
Workers Occupy Chicago Factory: Echoes of Argentina’s Worker Uprising
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