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[Marxism] Franco's dictatorship on trial.
For a while there has been a desire in certain segments of Spanish society
to give some kind of reparation, perhaps symbolic or even economic, to the
victims of Franco's dictatorship and the rebellion of the fascist forces in
1936. This process has culminated, for now, in its legislative axis, with
the so-called ley de memoria histórica (law of historical memory). This law
attempts to facilitate the task of those people who are trying to determine
where their executed relatives have been buried for all these decades, to
eliminate fascist symbols from public buildings or from entities which
receive aid from the State, and declares illegitimate (but not void!) those
"juicios sumarísimos", trials without due process, which condemned to death
so many defenders of the legally constituted Second Republic, or simply
people who were in some way opposed to the regime, or whose neighbours
denounced them falsely, etc.
The declaration of illegitimacy but not voiding of the judgements presents
certain difficulties and legal controversies. In addition, a law of amnesty
was passed in 1977, to be applied to all the crimes committed with political
intent until then (law 46/1977). It extinguishes all legal liability for
those crimes, in particular all criminal liability. It has been suggested
that law 46/1977 has gone inconstitutional with the approval of the
Constitution of 1978 (30th anniversary today) in accordance to its
derogating disposition, paragraph 3, which says all norms contrary to the
constitution are derogated henceforth. Against this argument, it can be said
that it is an accepted principle of criminal law that the most favourable
law to the accused must be followed, and there is no question that the most
favourable law on this matter is law 46/1977. The reason why this matters,
is that there have started certain judicial processes with the object of
compelling anyone who has information about the people disappeared by the
regime to yield that information to the relatives, and also to establish
whatever criminal liability might derive from the actions committed by the
regime. Among these actions would be the trials lacking due process of law,
the execution of prisoners without trial, sedition, rebellion, etc, etc.
Whereas many people involved in those crimes are no longer alive, this is
not the case for all of them, and there is a senator who signed death
sentences for political prisoners back in the day.
In addition, it is considered by international law that certain crimes are
not subject to prescription or amnesty. Amongst these, the kidnapping of
children. In the biggest process so far, the judge has been trying to
inquire about the 10k+ children who were taken away from their jailed
mothers (political prisoners). The laws provided that a pregnant political
prisoner would be allowed to live until giving birth, and, if condemned to
death, would be executed 48 hours after giving birth. Also, children were
not allowed to remain in jail with their mothers after the age of 3. These
children were given to religious institutions, which carried a policy of
indoctrination of the children, as well as changing their names. Other
children were given to an institute of the State, which engaged itself in
similar policies. A law was passed by Franco's government which permitted
such name changes. In addition, during the civil war about 34000 children
were sent abroad by the Republican side. Those who were given shelter in
France, Belgium or the Netherlands, were in many cases kidnapped. There is a
document of the foreign service of the Spanish falange, where instructions
are given to kidnap those children and bring them back to Spain.
A big part of the ideological justification for this was based on a
racialist theory of Spanishness, according to which greater degrees of
democratization had led to a decadence of the race. In particular, women
were considered to be beings with a tendency for evil, which was awakened by
political participation. It was therefore recommended that the children of
female political prisoners be segregated from their families to protect
them.
In spite of this all, the Audiencia Nacional (a central penal tribunal
initially designed to deal with terrorism and politically significant cases,
and which at least until recently had a strong right-wing bias) has ruled
that Garzón, the judge so far instructor of the case, lacks competence to do
so, and that each case must be instructed by the territorial tribunals of
the provinces where the cases took place.
The right wing keeps complaining, and affirming that far as they are from
Franco's ideological positions (yeah right!) this whole process represents a
breach with the agreements reached in the late 70s to forget and forgive,
and keep silence on these matters.
--David.
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