[Marxism] Kosova 'Self-Determination' movement: Independence delcaration is 'One step forward - three steps back'

["Michael Karadjis" <mkaradjis@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

I view this as a very important document. This active Kosovar Albanian
movement called VETËVENDOSJE (Self-Determination) has been challenging
the imperialist overlords for some years now, with mass demonstrations
and the like. A year ago, a mass protest was shot at by UNMIK troops,
killing 2 and injuring 83 demonstrators. The leader, the youngish Albin
Kurti, has been under house arrest since.

Kurti was a student of veteran K Albanian leader Adem Demaci, who spent
28 years on and off in Serbian prisons for advocating Kosovar
self-determination. Demaci has always been an extremely political
figure, essentially left-wing, anti-imperialist and anti-chauvinist. He
placed himself at the head of the KLA in the second half of 1998, but
quit when the KLA majority accepted NATO's terms at Rambouillet in March
1999, which led to the NATO bombing, as these terms included the KLA
giving up the historic K Albanian program of independence and accepting
instead "autonomy" within Serbia, the US program. He opposed the NATO
intervention. In the aftermath of the war, he has been the foremost
figure demanding both complete Kosova independence, and withdrawal of
imperialist forces, but also vigorously denouncing attacks on the Serb
minority and forming an inter-ethnic committee to try to resolve
differences.

Kurti has also vigorously denounced attacks on Serbs. However, the
problem is his outright opposition to any negotiations with Serbia
-which e views as imperialism merely trying to prevent real kosova
independence by making even more concessions to Serbia - is probably not
seen in a good light by the Serb minority, given current conditions and
consciousness. His vigorous opposition to this imperialist-imposed
"supervised independence" is spot-on, of course, and his posing f
complete independence instead poses questions to those on the left who
have not only opposed "conditional independence", but in effect oppose
self-determination outright, or at least "in current circumstances,"
whatever that means. I expect the betrayal of the real independence
aspirations of the Albanians to lead to a growth of this
anti-imperialist wing of the Kosovar Albanians, despite their confused
consciousness on certain issues. 

However, his opposition to the broad autonomy for ethnic Serb regions in
Kosova, allowed direct links to Belgrade, is mistaken I believe. He
believes this is both a restriction on real independence (the links to
Belgrade) and an ethnic partition (he believes in normal rights for all
rather than ethnic autonomy), restrictions imposed by imperialism to try
to bring Serbia into the picture. This is true to an extent, but the
reality is of course that Serb and Albanian in Kosova are already deeply
divided, and such concessions are necessary for the Serb minority to be
on board - in fact I personally think much greater concessions, up to
turning an independent Kosova into two federated 'entities' (one serb
and one Albanian) are necessary. But it is the imperialist *imposition*
of these 'multi-ethnic' aspects (including a new flag with no Albanian
colours or symbols and denial of union with Albania), via all these
"supervisory" bodies that are the problem.

The issue is clearly complex, and various slogans that various lefties
like to throw around often don?t have much reality about them. 

Finally, the claim below that the independence declaration was "one step
forward, three steps back" sounds very much a vindication of the very
cautious position we took in GLW that while we condemn the imperialist
denial of full independence via all these "supervisory" bodies, and
demand their exit from Kosova, that nevertheless we should cautiously
welcome the "partial fruition" of the century-long struggle of the
Albanians of Kosova for independence.

MK 


One step forward ? three steps back      
 
Wednesday, 20 February 2008 
The announcement of the Declaration of Independence and recognition by
the US, France, and the United Kingdom is a step forward. Kosova for the
first time has been recognized as an independent state from these
significant states of the world. 

However the Declaration of independence has turned Kosova three steps
back. 

1. EULEX ? the direct restriction of internal self-determination, in the
sense that Kosova will not be able to govern itself in the future
2. The Package of Ahtisaari ? the creation of an autonomous Serb entity
inside Kosova under the direct control of Serbia
3. The party ? the euphoria created by the announcement is being
exploited to distract attention from: 
?       The reaction of the parallel structures of Serbia (the burning
of the police and customs stations of Kosova in Leposaviq and Zveçan) 
?       The hurried smuggling of the flag, emblem and laws which derive
from the Package of Ahtisaari which began to be approved without debate
starting on Tuesday 19th February.

The Declaration was an investment in encouraging the ignorance and
oblivion of people for the reality of what is happening on the ground.
Politicians continuously talked about the date and the hour of
independence in order not to talk about the contents and the quality of
the independence they were declaring; they focused the media on the
party before, during and after the declaration in order to silence any
discussion about what Serbia might do with its parallel structures which
control one quarter of the territory of Kosova. The Declaration included
the Package of Ahtisaari which will create a Serb Republic inside Kosova
(similar to that of Bosnia) and will install the executive and
un-democratic rule of EULEX (again similar to Bosnia).

The Package of Ahtisaari was accepted by the Negotiation Team and the
Assembly of Kosova a year ago because it was interpreted as the price
for independence which would be accepted by Serbia and Russia, and
consequently the UN Security Council. Now even though the independence
declared has not been accepted by Serbia or Russia (and consequently not
by the UN Security Council), the Government and Assembly of Kosova have
promised to implement the Package of Ahtisaari (which was refused
permanently by the never satisfied Serbia). This is a stab in the back
for the people of Kosova.

The independence described in this declaration does not include an army
and will not guarantee territorial integrity or a seat in the UN. Thus
Kosova remains without the factual ability to defend itself through its
own army, and without legal defence that comes from becoming an
international subject, won through a seat in the UN. Any eventual attack
by Serbia against a Kosova which is not an international subject,
according to international law, will not be considered as aggression.
Not being a member of the UN means that Kosova cannot be a signatory to
any of the United Nations Conventions dealing with political, economic,
social, security, ecological, health, educational and other forms of
cooperation necessary for a healthy society.

The impossibility of being an equal member of this international circle
means that the citizens of Kosova will be constrained in their rights
and possibilities of exploiting this cooperation for continual
emancipation and at the same time they will not have the possibility to
contribute in global developments. A Kosova that is not a UN member will
not be able to use this Organization which is above all nations for its
own needs at all. 

In no place does the Declaration mention explicitly our separation from
Serbia. It mentions the ?non-consensual breakup of Yugoslavia?. However
it is known across the world that Serbia was made the direct inheritor
of Yugoslavia in Resolution 1244 after the dissolution of the Union of
Serbia and Montenegro. The Declaration of independence has been
trumpeted as an historic act however it does not mention the history of
Kosova. This declaration absolves Serbia of guilt by not mentioning
anywhere Serbia?s aggression and occupation of Kosova and the century of
crimes and genocide that Serbia has committed against the people of
Kosova.

The Declaration focuses on the obligations and duties of Kosova and not
on its rights or freedoms. It sees Kosova only as a tool of regional and
international interests. Above all, this declaration focuses on the
promise to implement the Package of Ahtisaari. Ahtisaari is mentioned
eight times, whilst independence just three times (including the title).
?Free? is not mentioned once, ?freedoms? just once, as is ?freely?. This
shows that the Package of Ahtisaari in fact was not the price that
politicians had to pay for independence, but the Declaration of
independence was the price that international diplomatic officials had
to pay for the implementation of the Package of Ahtisaari. Because of
the opposition of Serbia and Russia towards the Package of Ahtisaari,
this remained the only way that the EU and the US could implement it.

This Declaration of independence is considered as an issue of agreement
between some local politicians with some internationals and not as the
independence of a country of a free people. Only self-determination will
bring true independence for each and all in Kosova, because such an
independence would be the decision of the people.

The Declaration of the 17th February is one step forward for Kosova in
the aspect of external self-determination. But not for internal
self-determination. In this aspect nothing has changed. Kosova will
continue to be a country governed by an un-democratic mission installed
from outside and not chosen from inside.

= Lëvizja VETËVENDOSJE! 
http://www.vetevendosje.org/



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