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[Marxism] Petrocracy in Venezuela?



NY Times Magazine, November 4, 2007
The Perils of Petrocracy
By TINA ROSENBERG

Who holds the world’s oil? You might assume it’s in the hands of big
private oil companies like ExxonMobil. But in fact, 77 percent of the
world’s oil reserves are held by national oil companies with no private
equity, and there are 13 state-owned oil companies with more reserves
than ExxonMobil, the largest multinational oil company. The popular
perception in the United States is that if leaders of oil countries
nationalize their oil, they are bucking a global trend toward
privatization. In reality, nationalized oil is the trend. And the
percentage of oil controlled by state-owned companies is likely to
continue rising, mainly because of the demographics of oil. Deposits are
being exhausted in wealthy countries — the ones that exploited their oil
first and generally have the most private oil — and are being found
largely in developing countries, where oil tends to belong to the state.

Nationalization is also a political trend in some regions, mainly Latin
America, where the populist presidents of Bolivia and Ecuador have made
it part of their discourse. They are led, of course, by Hugo Chávez of
Venezuela. He has made private producers accept state control of their
operations. When they wouldn’t, as in the case of ExxonMobil and
ConocoPhillips, he simply nationalized their holdings. Chávez has also
asserted his control over Venezuela’s state oil company, which before
him operated very much like a private, profit-driven enterprise.

Chávez is a prophet in search of disciples. He seeks to present
Venezuela as a more moral world power, uniting Latin America and poor
countries everywhere in a socialist alliance. He has invented a new kind
of socialism, which he calls Bolivarian socialism, named for the
independence hero Simón Bolívar: a little Marx, a little Jesus, a little
anti-imperialism and a lot of the whim of Hugo Chávez, dedicated to the
“comprehensive, humanist, endogenous and socialist development of the
nation.” His is a gospel greased by oil, which is financing his
transformation of Venezuela. Chávez is a genius of a politician:
charming, folksy, flirtatious. I first met him in New York in 1999, the
year he became president. I sat next to him at an interview, very
pregnant. He embraced me — “But you should come have the baby in
Venezuela!” he enthused.

The appeal of his message transcends the charisma of the messenger. To
other countries — especially the oil and gas nations in Latin America
that watch Chávez with particular interest — the appeal is simple to
understand. Oil- and gas-dependent countries are historically ill
governed. Today their people are in rebellion against globalization,
which promised much but has brought them little. They have been told
their countries are rich, but they see they are poor. So someone must be
stealing the profits.

Most often, nationalization is a reaction to the idea that the thief is
a foreign company. For populist leftists, El Petroleo es Nuestro! — the
oil is ours — is an alluring slogan. Now as the record high price of oil
has made exploitation worthwhile even in places that are remote or
geologically complicated (Chad comes to mind), more underdeveloped
countries have to choose what to do with their oil. Those that have long
held oil must decide how to spend the incomprehensible amounts of money
oil is now bringing them.

Historically, almost every country dependent on the export of oil has
answered this question in the same way: badly. It may seem paradoxical,
but finding a hole in the ground that spouts money can be one of the
worst things to happen to a nation. With one or two exceptions,
oil-dependent countries are poorer, more conflict-ridden and despotic.
OPEC’s own studies show the perils of relying on oil. Between 1965 and
1998, the economies of OPEC members contracted by 1.3 percent a year.
Oil-dependent nations do especially badly by their poor: infant
survival, nutrition, life expectancy, literacy, schooling — all are
worse in oil-producing countries. The history of oil-dependent countries
has produced what Terry Lynn Karl, a Stanford University professor,
calls the paradox of plenty.

Oil not only creates very few jobs, it also destroys jobs in other
sectors. By pushing up a country’s exchange rate, the export of oil
distorts the economy. “Oil rents drive out any other productive
activity,” Karl says. “Why would you bother to produce your own food if
you could buy it? Why would you bother to develop any kind of export
industry if oil makes your money worth more and that hurts all your
other exports?” The most successful societies develop a middle class
through manufacturing; oil makes this extremely difficult.

Oil concentrates a country’s wealth in the state, creating a culture
where money is made by soliciting politicians and bureaucrats rather
than by making things and selling them. Oil states also ask their
citizens for little in taxes, and where citizens pay little in taxes,
they demand little in accountability. Those in power distribute oil
money to stay in power. Thus oil states tend to be highly corrupt.

full: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/04/magazine/04oil-t.html

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