[Marxism] Talking of Land Reforms in India: Love in the Time of Cholera

[Sukla Sen <suklasenp@xxxxxxxxxxx>]

[Though it may sound blasphemous, land reforms - which
in today's context would mean renewed drive for
redistribution of agricultural lands in small parcels
to the landless by either redrawing the land ceilings
in force or carrying out a thorough review of the
implementation of the ceiling limits already in force
may not be too feasible in the today's scenario. Of
course there are reportedly large tracts of vested
lands remaining to be allotted. But one would suspect
that these are more on paper unless the plots are
useless or uncultivable.

Land reforms in India, which had commenced in the
mid-fifties, had three major components. India had a
variety of ownership relationships/ rights over land.
For the sake of simplicity, these may be divided
broadly into two major types: one represented by
Ryotwari - where the cultivator was the direct payer
of land tax or revenue to the state, and the other is
Zamindari - where there were hierarchical ownerships
over the land. The most major component of land
reforms was the abolition of Zamindari in order to
make the direct cultivator - providing the other
necessary inputs for cultivation like seeds, water,
fertiliser, pesticides, implements and labour - both
mental, like decision making as regards the crops to
be sown; and also manual, supervisory functions in
particular, as the absolute owner of the land. The
other component was to fix ceilings on the maximum
size of agricultural landholdings one can own, and the
state taking over the surplus lands by paying due
compensations to the erstwhile owners and redistribute
among the landless. The third component was to ensure
consolidation of small plots of cultivable lands to
promote more efficient cultivation. While the first
component has been fairly thoroughly implemented
causing phenomenal rise of the "middle castes"
virtually all over rural India. The second, and third,
components have only been very shabbily implemented,
except in patches under special circumstances.
Any attempt at redistribution of land would today just
not face the opposition of the traditional "upper
castes", but also that of the "middle castes". And the
opposition by the much more numerous latter group is
likely to be far more ferocious today. So only the
already vested surplus, and such other, lands can be
redistributed without stiff opposition.
Then there is also the issue of economic
viability/sustainab ility of small plots of lands to
be
cultivated by economically weak.

So while every rural family must get a plot of
homestead land of their own (understandably out of
vested lands or through any special scheme), a
universal employment guarantee scheme linked to
productive asset generations or maintenance of the
ifrastructures etc. is likely to be far more
purposeful in addressing the issue of desperate misery
of the local poor.

Despite its easy appeal, redistribution of
agricultural lands may neither be feasible, on any
large scale, nor it may lead to the betterment of
economic conditions of the poor without accompanying
massive doses of continual state supports.]

"willy" willyindia@gmail. com

Talking about love in time of cholera

The proposed draft of Land Policy while expresses a
lot of good intentions of Nehruvian era where the
policy focus was on "self cultivation" utterly fails
in taking into account the developments that have
already taken place during last one and half decade.
The most important point that these good intentions
miss is the National Agriculture Policy 2000, which
commits itself to promote (a) lease markets in land,
(b) contract farming, and (c) corporate farming. This
all is approved with the intentions of improving the
productivity of land and making transfer of land
easier for the 'efficient users' (who else is more
efficient than private Corporations? ).
For accomplishment of these goals the essential
preconditions are worked out by World Bank in
association with DFID and they are (i) computerization
of land record (between the lines accessible by
internet), (ii) regularization/ legalization of all
kinds of tenancy, and (iii) flexibility in protective
(existing) measures in land transfers, (iv) drop
restrictions on sale of land to non-agriculturalist s
and subdivision which have little economic
justification, (v) allow transferability of land by
land reform beneficiaries at least through lease and
explore options for making the gains from such reform
permanent, (vi) review legislation on compulsory land
acquisition and, subject to the prevention of
undesirable externalities, allow farmers or their
representatives to negotiate with and if desired
transfer land directly to investors rather than having
to go through government and often receive only very
limited compensation.
This well intentioned effort of advocacy also seems to
be oblivious to the fact that after pronouncement of
the National Agriculture Policy 2000, several states
had gone ahead (as it is part of the State List in
Constitution of India) with providing relaxations in
'land use transfers' and 'ceiling' related
regulations.
This proposed policy draft is also unmindful of the
fact that several state governments including the
government of Madhya Pradesh has already given
affidavit in Supreme Court stating that no land is
available that can be provided for rehabilitation
based on land for land. The latest Rehabilitation and
Resettlement policy approved by the cabinet also
mentions about 'Land for Land' but suffices it with
'if possible' (and every one knows in present era will
be never possible).
The draft is also ignorant about the fact that 'common
land' had already disappeared to a substantial extend
and whatever little is leftover is targeted by the
corporate sector in the name of plantations for
"Agro-fuels" namely Jatropha in concerted manner.
Selling rosy dreams listed in the draft policy stink
of what is called 'ostrich approach' which calls for
dipping your neck in sand at the time of storm and
feel safe. The wish list expressed in the draft
reminds the title of the famous novel by Gabriel
Garcia Marquez called 'love in times of cholera'. At
time when Government is looking for means to wriggle
out of the business of 'land acquisition' and leave
the matters to 'market forces' by making 'land a
freely tradable' commodity the effort best can be
termed as dangerously novice.
It is this context, while the intentions of draft
policy sound plausible, the implications of the draft
provide the government the basis to fiddle with
existing laws and procedure to make it smooth for the
corporate takeover of the land and fulfillment of its
promise to its Creditor and Donor like World Bank and
DFID.

------------ --------- --------- --------- ---------
--------- -
Statement of Concern -draft (30/10/2007)
We highly appreciate the efforts by the participants
of the JANADESH 2007 yatra for their contribution in
bringing the perennial issue of Land and its equitable
distribution back on National agenda.
Some of the demands raised by this mammoth effort have
their roots in the struggle for India's independence
which raised the aspirations of the peasantry by the
promise of 'land to tiller' once the country has done
away with the shackles of colonial rule.
The Land laws and the agrarian policies in the initial
phase of Interdependent India were also guided by the
urge to promote "self cultivation" but with the
pressure of achieving 'self sufficiency' in food and
the advice from international agencies like Ford
Foundation the government of India had embarked upon
'green revolution' and began to slag behind on its
commitment to the promise of 'Land to the tiller'.
The Agriculture Commission set by the Government of
India in its report's volume XV on land reforms in
1972 (20 years after Ford Foundation funded pilot
programme in 1952) brought out the fact that in major
part of the country which were governed by the
Zamidari and Mahalbari systems till the colonial rule
the implementation of land reforms was utter failure.
To insulate the Government from the fallout such
report the process of initiating Land Ceiling Laws was
initiated the same year and all most all the states
have come up with the required law with slight
variance.
During the 'Emergency Era' the famous 20-point
programme also incorporated agenda of distribution of
land to the land less and deprived communities. There
was a rush of competition among the Chief Ministers
and other functionaries in getting photographed
distributing land titles. All of us connected to
grassroots in one way the other know very well that
half of the land that was claimed to be distributed
never been able to be 'possessed' by the legal
claimant. On other this 'claimed to be distributed
land' was not the acquired ceiling surplus land.
A lot of militant 'land grab' movements by the peasant
organisations from verity of ideological shades in
various parts of the country were witnessed during 70s
and 80s. But with the beginning of World Bank backed
programme of Integrated Rural Development Programme
(IRDP) in 1989 and the fast transforming functioning
of parliamentary system in India (particularly with
the demise of opposition as institution) had taken the
steam out of the struggles and slowly but surely the
question of land and its equitable distribution was
tendered redundant.
In 1991, when Mr. Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister
in Mr. Narsimha Rao's Government laid down the agenda
of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation the
foundations were laid to change the fundamentals of
the previous 'policy framework' in all sectors of
economy including Land and Agriculture. Gradually the
focus of agrarian policy began to drift from 'self
cultivation' to smooth transfer the land from the
'inefficient users' that is small and marginal farmers
to 'efficient users' that is private corporations.
The context of land question and its 'equitable
distribution' has transformed completely as the impact
of joining WTO and giving a twist to Indian
agriculture towards 'export orientation' saying good
bye to the legacy of 'food self sufficiency' as
hallmark of official policy framework.
The National Agriculture Policy 2000 loudly and
clearly pronounced to promote (a) lease markets in
land, (b) contract farming, and (c) corporate farming.
This all is approved with the intentions of improving
the productivity of land and making transfer of land
easier for the 'efficient users' (who else is more
efficient than private Corporations? ). It has also
stated to promote biotechnology and genetic
engineering as the basis to improve productivity of
Indian agriculture.
For the accomplishment of these goals the essential
preconditions are worked out by World Bank in
association with DFID and they are (i) computerization
of land record (between the lines accessible by
internet), (ii) regularization/ legalization of all
kinds of tenancy, and (iii) flexibility in protective
(existing) measures in land transfers, (iv) drop
restrictions on sale of land to non-agriculturalist s
and subdivision which have little economic
justification, (v) allow transferability of land by
land reform beneficiaries at least through lease and
explore options for making the gains from such reform
permanent, (vi) review legislation on compulsory land
acquisition and, subject to the prevention of
undesirable externalities, allow farmers or their
representatives to negotiate with and if desired
transfer land directly to investors rather than having
to go through government and often receive only very
limited compensation.
After pronouncement of the National Agriculture Policy
2000, several states had gone ahead (as it is part of
the State List in Constitution of India) with
providing relaxations in 'land use transfers' and
'ceiling' related regulations. The Government further
reinforced its commitment to transfer of land to the
private corporations by enacting Special Economic
Zones Act, 2005 which provides lot of concessions to
the developers at the cost public exchequer and
violates the fundamentals of even neo-liberal dictums
of 'equal playing field' and 'fair competition. The
Government's efforts of promoting plantation of
Jatropha to meet targets of its own policy of mixing
Ethanol with diesel on common and government lands for
feeding "Agro-fuel" refinery set up by private
corporation also create doubts on the credentials of
both the government in general and its present
leadership in general.
It is this context that we take the response of the
government to the plausible effort of JANADESH 2007 by
announcing setting up of a Commission under the
Chairmanship of the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with
pinch of salt.
We have serious doubt that the commission of this sort
will be capable of standing against the commitment and
enthusiasm of the government in implementing the
obligations of WTO that are adversely affecting the
small and marginal farmers; SEZ Act 2005 and non
implementation of Forest Right Act, 2006 which are
essential to pave way for any effective pro-poor land
reforms.
We also do not see much scope of justice to be done
for the poor and the marginalized by a commission
comprising of 'stakeholders' which includes
colonizers, builders and developers, funded NGOs along
with the token representation of the farmers.
Hence we do not see these promises made by the
Government as victory but see it at most as the
beginning of a crucial and decisive phase of long
history and traditions of Land Struggles.
To be endoresed by several activists & intellectuals.
If you want to endorse this pl mail to: Anil Chaudhary
at anilpeace@gmail. com or insaf@xxxxxxxx

Links to IFI documents:

1. Study done by CCDS & Ekta Parishad in PACS
programme of DFID- "Towards a people's land policy":
http://www.empowerp oor.org/download
s/people's%20land%20policy. pdf

2. World Bank report- "India - Land policies for
growth & poverty reduction (July 9, 2007)":
http://www-wds. worldbank. org/external/
default/WDSConte ntServer/ WDSP/IB/2007/
08/31/000310607_ 20070831102106/ Rendered/
PDF/382980INoptm zd.pdf

3. FAO working paper "Land and livelihoods - Making
land rights real for India's rural poor (May 2004)" -
Livelihood Support Programme (LSP) funded by DFID:
ftp://ftp.fao. org/docrep/ fao/007/J2602E/ J2602E00.
pdf

http://www.hindu.com/2007/10/30/stories/2007103060271200.htm

Centre accepts land reform demands
Staff Reporter

NEW DELHI: The nearly month-long march of around
25,000 Dalits, tribals and landless labourers from
Gwalior to Delhi ended on a positive note here on
Monday with the government accepting all their demands
pertaining to land reforms.

Announcing the decision from the platform of
Janadesh-2007 on the Ramlila Grounds here, Union Rural
Development Minister Raghuvansh Prasad Singh said a
committee headed by him would be formed within a month
to look into the unfinished task of land reforms.
Also, a national land reforms council led by the Prime
Minister would be constituted.
States' cooperation

Mr. Singh said while the Ministry would continue to
work closely with the champions of land reforms, it
was essentially a State subject and their cooperation
was also required.

To a query, the Minister said the announcements made
on Monday were not likely to be reduced to empty
promises as the Ministry would constantly be in touch
with members of the Ekta Parishad, a Gandhian
organisation which had been in the forefront of the
struggle of the landless and the poor, and also other
civil rights groups on the issue.

"We have not taken the decision under pressure but
with a lot of enthusiasm and in close consultation
with your representatives," Mr. Singh told the
gathering amid applause.

Social activist Nihkil Dey told the gathering that the
committee would address all their demands which
included setting up of fast track courts for
settlement of land disputes, single window system for
registration of land and proper assessment of
ownership of land and its availability for
redistribution.

The deputy chairperson of the committee would be a
person associated with the struggle for land rights
and half of its members would be from the same
section, said. Mr. Dey. All the suggestions made by
the committee would be discussed with complete
transparency. Calling the announcement a Diwali gift,
Ekta Parishad president P.V. Rajagopal said the march
had ended in victory. "


      ___________________________________________________________ 
Want ideas for reducing your carbon footprint? Visit Yahoo! For Good  
http://uk.promotions.yahoo.com/forgood/environment.html


________________________________________________
YOU MUST clip all extraneous text before replying to a message.
Send list submissions to: Marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism