Marxism
mailing list archive

Other Periods  | Other mailing lists  | Search  ]

Date:  [ Previous  | Next  ]      Thread:  [ Previous  | Next  ]      Index:  [ Author  | Date  | Thread  ]

Re: [Marxism] Dashiell Hammett



Einde O'Callaghan wrote:
> This line was followed for several issues of FI - I don't know if
any of
> the participants in this forum can comment on the attitudes of the
> contemporary American left towards McCarthy and McCarthyism.

http://www.columbia.edu/%7Elnp3/mydocs/fascism_and_war/fascism.htm

A witch-hunt in the United States, sometimes called McCarthyism, emerged
in the United States from nearly the very moment the cold war started.
The witch-hunt would serve to eradicate domestic opposition to the
anti-Communist crusade overseas. The witch-hunters wanted to root up and
eradicate all sympathy to the USSR. President Harry Truman, a Democrat
and New Dealer, started the anticommunist crusade. He introduced the
first witch-hunt legislation, a bill that prevented federal employees
from belonging to "subversive" organizations. When Republican Dwight
Eisenhower took office, he simply kept the witch-hunt going. The
McCarthy movement per se emerges out of a reactionary climate created by
successive White House administrations, Democrat and Republican alike.

I will argue that a similar dynamic has existed in US politics over the
past twenty years. Instead of having a "cold war" against the socialist
countries, we have had a "cold war" on the working-class and its allies.
James Carter, a Democrat, set into motion the attack on working people
and minorities, while successive Republican and Democratic
administrations have continued to stoke the fire. Reaganism is Carterism
raised to a higher level. All Buchanan represents is the emergence of a
particularly reactionary tendency within this overall tendency toward
the right.

Attacks on the working-class and minorities have nothing to do with "bad
faith" on the part of people like William Clinton. We are dealing with a
global restructuring of capital that will be as deep-going in its impact
on class relations internationally as the cold war was in its time. The
cold war facilitated the removal of the Soviet Union as a rival.
Analogously, the class war on working people in the advanced capitalist
countries that began in the Carter years facilitates capital's next new
expansion. Capitalism is a dynamic system. This dynamism includes not
only war and "downsizing", it also includes fabulous growth in places
like the East Coast of China. To not see this is to not understand
capitalism.

"The United States, the most powerful capitalist country in history, is
a component part of the world capitalist system and is subject to the
same general laws. It suffers from the same incurable diseases and is
destined to share the same fate. The overwhelming preponderance of
American imperialism does not exempt it from the decay of world
capitalism, but, on the contrary, acts to involve it even more deeply,
inextricably and hopelessly. US capitalism can no more escape from the
revolutionary consequences of world capitalist decay than the older
European capitalist powers. The blind alley in which world capitalism
has arrived, and the US with it, excludes a new organic era of
capitalist stabilization. The dominant world position of American
imperialism now accentuates and aggravates the death agony of capitalism
as a whole."

This appears in an article in the April 5, 1954 Militant titled "First
Principles in the Struggle Against Fascism". It is of course based on a
totally inaccurate misunderstanding of the state of global capital.
Capitalism was not in a "blind alley" in 1954. The truth is that from
approximately 1946 on capitalism went through the most sustained
expansion in its entire history. To have spoken about the "death agony"
of capitalism in 1954 was utter nonsense. This "catastrophism" could
only serve to misorient the left since it did not put McCarthyism in
proper context.

One of the great contributions made by Nicos Poulantzas in his "Fascism
and the Third International" was his diagnosis of the problem of
"catastrophism". According to Poulantzas, the belief that capitalism has
reached a "blind alley" first appeared in the Comintern of the early
1920's. He blames this on a dogmatic approach to Lenin's "Imperialism,
The Highest Stage of Capitalism" that existed in a communist movement
that was all too eager to deify the dead revolutionist.

Lenin's theory of imperialism owed much to Hilferding and Bukharin who
believed that capitalism was moribund and incapable of generating new
technical and industrial growth. Moreover, this capitalist system was in
a perpetual crisis and wars were inevitable. The Comintern latched onto
this interpretation and adapted it to the phenomenon of fascism.
Fascism, in addition to war, was also a permanent feature of the
decaying capitalist system. A system that had reached such an impasse
was a system that was in a permanent catastrophic mode. The Comintern
said that it was five minutes to midnight.

The SWP's version of catastrophism did not allow it to see McCarthy's
true mission. This mission was not to destroy the unions and turn the
United States into a totalitarian state. It was rather a mission to
eliminate radical dissent against the stepped-up attack on the USSR, its
allies and revolutionary movements in the third world. The witch- hunt
targeted radicals in the unions, the schools, the State Department, the
media and elsewhere. After the witch-hunt had eradicated all traces of
radical opinion, the US military could fight its imperialist wars
without interference from the left. This is exactly what took place
during the Korean War. There were no visible signs of dissent except in
the socialist press and in some liberal publications like I.F. Stone's
Newsletter. This clamp-down on dissent lasted until the Vietnam war when
a newly developing radicalization turned the witch-hunt back for good.

In the view of the SWP, nothing basically had changed since the 1930's.
The target of McCarthyite "fascism" was the working-class and its
unions. The Militant stated on January 18, 1954:

"If the workers' organizations don't have the answer, the fascists will
utilize the rising discontent of the middle class, its disgust with the
blundering labor leadership, and its frenzy at being ruined
economically, to build a mass fascist movement with armed detachments
and hurl them at the unions. While spouting a lot of radical-sounding
demagogy they will deflect the anti-capitalist wrath of the middle class
and deploy it against labor, and establish the iron- heel dictatorship
of Big Capital on the smoking ruins of union halls."

One wonders if the party leadership in 1954 actually knew any middle-
class people, since party life consisted of a "faux proletarian"
subculture with tenuous ties to American society. Certainly they could
have found out about the middle-class on the newly emerging TV situation
comedies like "Father Knows Best" or "Leave it to Beaver". Rather than
expressing "rising discontent" or "frenzy", the middle- class was taking
advantage of dramatic increases in personal wealth. Rather than plotting
attacks on union halls like the Silver Shirts did in 1938, they were
moving to suburbia, buying televisions and station wagons, and taking
vacations in Miami Beach or Europe. This was not only objectively
possible for the average middle-class family, it was also becoming
possible for the worker in basic industry. For the very same reason the
working-class was not gravitating toward socialism, the middle-class was
not gravitating toward fascism. This reason, of course, is that
prosperity had become general.

________________________________________________
YOU MUST clip all extraneous text before replying to a message.
Send list submissions to: Marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism



Other Periods  | Other mailing lists  | Search  ]