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Re: [Marxism] The absence of real forces [was: The low point]
- To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition <marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Subject: Re: [Marxism] The absence of real forces [was: The low point]
- From: Les Schaffer <schaffer@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Sat, 04 Aug 2007 11:20:04 -0400
- User-agent: Mozilla-Thunderbird 2.0.0.4 (X11/20070622)
Joaquin Bustelo wrote:
> This instead of a theory that would say simply that extra economic factors
> --brute force, superiority in arms, colonial subjugation-- are what keeps
> the exchanges from being equal. It may be that originally, to establish the
> pattern of unequal exchange only force and subjugation will do, and even
> that to maintain the pattern some application of force is needed from time
> to time otherwise there will be a drift towards equal exchange, but I'm
> looking for a mechanism that in the main will result in automatic,
> continuing unequal exchange, even if there is a slow tendency that must be
> counteracted towards equal exchange. This to explain semi-colonialism and
> the joint, largely cooperative exploitation by the imperialist countries of
> the third world.
reading JB late last nite reminded me of a paper i saw a couple weeks
ago, written jointly by physicists and some Kennedy School of Govt
profs. rather than looking at labour and value, they looked at how
countries attempt to expand their economies by jumping around in the
space of products (commodities). their point is somehow that "developed
nations" are now capable somehow of leaping from commodity to new
commodity easily while "developing nations" cannot make the jumps
easily. of course, that doesn't explain how we got two classes of
nations, but if you take JB's extra-economic as pre-conditions, this is
an alternative explanation.
i am not proposing this, merely putting Joaquin's thoughts into
perspective by contrasting it with another theory.
Les
Science 27 July 2007: Vol. 317. no. 5837, pp. 482 - 487 DOI:
10.1126/science.1144581
The Product Space Conditions the Development of Nations
C. A. Hidalgo, B. Klinger, A.-L. Barabási, R. Hausmann
Economies grow by upgrading the products they produce and export. The
technology, capital, institutions, and skills needed to make newer
products are more easily adapted from some products than from others.
Here, we study this network of relatedness between products, or "product
space," finding that more-sophisticated products are located in a
densely connected core whereas less-sophisticated products occupy a
less-connected periphery. Empirically, countries move through the
product space by developing goods close to those they currently produce.
Most countries can reach the core only by traversing empirically
infrequent distances, which may help explain why poor countries have
trouble developing more competitive exports and fail to converge to the
income levels of rich countries.
Does the type of product that a country exports matter for subsequent
economic performance? The fathers of development economics held that it
does, suggesting that industrialization creates spillover benefits that
fuel subsequent growth (1–3). Yet, lacking formal models, mainstream
economic theory has been unable to incorporate these ideas. Instead, two
approaches have been used to explain a country's pattern of
specialization. The first focuses on the relative proportion between
productive factors (i.e., physical capital, labor, land, skills or human
capital, infrastructure, and institutions) (4). Hence, poor countries
specialize in goods intensive in unskilled labor and land, whereas
richer countries specialize in goods requiring infrastructure,
institutions, and human and physical capital. The second approach
emphasizes technological differences (5) and has to be complemented with
a theory of what underlies them. The varieties and quality ladders
models (6, 7) assume that there is always a slightly more advanced
product, or just a different one, that countries can move to,
disregarding product similarities when thinking about structural
transformation and growth.
Think of a product as a tree and the set of all products as a forest. A
country is composed of a collection of firms, i.e., of monkeys that live
on different trees and exploit those products. The process of growth
implies moving from a poorer part of the forest, where trees have little
fruit, to better parts of the forest. This implies that monkeys would
have to jump distances, that is, redeploy (human, physical, and
institutional) capital toward goods that are different from those
currently under production. Traditional growth theory assumes there is
always a tree within reach; hence, the structure of this forest is
unimportant. However, if this forest is heterogeneous, with some dense
areas and other more-deserted ones, and if monkeys can jump only limited
distances, then monkeys may be unable to move through the forest. If
this is the case, the structure of this space and a country's
orientation within it become of great importance to the development of
countries.
[snip to end]
The bimodal distribution of international income levels and a lack of
convergence of the poor toward the rich has been explained by using
geographic (24) and institutional (12, 13) arguments. Here, we
introduced another factor to this discussion: the difficulties involved
in moving through the product space. The detailed structure of the
product space is shown here and, together with the location of the
countries and the characteristics of the diffusion process undergone by
them, strongly suggests that not all countries face the same
opportunities when it comes to development. Poorer countries tend to be
located in the periphery, where moving toward new products is harder to
achieve. More interestingly, among countries with a similar level of
development and seemingly similar levels of production and export
sophistication, there is significant variation in the option set implied
by their current productive structure, with some on a path to continued
structural transformation and growth and others stuck in a dead end.
These findings have important consequences for economic policy, because
the incentives to promote structural transformation in the presence of
proximate opportunities are quite different from those required when a
country hits a dead end. It is quite difficult for production to shift
to products far away in the space, and therefore policies to promote
large jumps are more challenging. Yet it is precisely these long jumps
that generate subsequent structural transformation, convergence, and growth.
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