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[Marxism] Richard Greeman on the French elections
- To: Marxism list <marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Subject: [Marxism] Richard Greeman on the French elections
- From: Einde O'Callaghan <einde@xxxxxx>
- Date: Fri, 20 Apr 2007 15:12:23 +0200
- User-agent: Mozilla Thunderbird 1.0 (Windows/20041206)
Posted in full as it's not available on-line yet.
-------
Round One of the French Presidential Election
by Richard Greeman
Confused about this Sunday’s French Presidential Election? Not to
worry, so are French voters – to the point where nearly half are still
undecided. The choices are complex, and with forty percent in the
‘undecided’ column, polling results are meaningless, manipulated
extrapolations. It’s gotten to the point where French people are
actually asking me, a foreigner, whom to vote for on the first round!
How indeed to choose among twelve bona fide candidates, all of whom are
visible – however briefly -- on the TV news?
On the far-Left side of the menu we have three Trotskyists, a Communist,
a Green, and the heroic anti-globalizating peasant, José Bové. On the
far-Right, Le Pen, the perennial neo-fascist menace; the Vicompte de
Villiers representing traditional aristocratic landed property; and the
Hunting-Fishing-Tradition Party of small landed property. In the Center
of the menu, we find the three main items likely to survive into the
runoffs. On the Center-Left an attractive female Socialist (Ségolène
Royal), on the rabid Right, a scary Interior Minister (Nicolas Sarkozy)
and on the Center-Right, an opportunistic spoiler named François Bayrou.
This electoral menu presents a true embarras (‘embarassement’) of
choices, and today’s Libération editorial expresses embarrassment how
‘folklorique’ France must look to us Anglo-Saxons. I should not be so
embarrassed. I’m sure Blair and Bush agree in dismissing the French
system as a ridiculous throwback, but a throwback to what? Could it be
to democracy?
Coming from the U.S., the first thing I admire in the French system is
this: the simple fact that people here get to vote on Sunday – the day
when folks with jobs and kids to balance can get to the polls. After
that, I like that fact that voter registration here is permanent and
that French voters get to elect their President by direct ballot, not
indirectly through an elite, corruptible Electoral College. Speaking of
corruption, the French paper-ballot system prevents election-day fraud
by the party in power, although the first electronic machines are being
tested – and protested – this election. I also appreciate that the
French Presidential campaign doesn’t last for two years or consist
mainly of raising hundreds of millions from billionnaires expecting
favors. I also like it that France may soon be governed by a woman who
is not ashamed of being photographed in a bikini or of being the unwed
mother of four children (the father is a Socialist Party
colleague-cum-rival).
I also admire France’s pluralistic multi-party system, a secular system
where God is not on the ballot and where only the crackpot Right
candidates feel obliged to go to church. It permits opposition views to
be heard in the media and gives direct expression to the needs and
ideals of various social classes. Today’s France remains true to her
reputation among Marxists and political sociologists as the ‘model’
bourgeois republic in which contending classes in society express their
interests in explicitly political ways.
Recently, the French system has allowed for the development of a rather
significant anti-neocapitalist movement to the left of the ‘official’
Left – a coalition of neo-liberal Socialists, Communists and Greens
which presided over mass privatizations of public services when last in
power. The new far-Left movement cristalized two years ago around
opposition to a proposed neo-liberal European Constitution, which
strongly supported by both the Right and the official Left in a vast
‘Yes to Europe!’ media campaign including endorsements by sports and
entertainment stars. On the ‘No!’ side, all the little Left parties,
unions and ecological groups mobilized their troops, pulled in lots of
outside support; and mounted a nationwide grass-roots campaign. Exactly
two years ago ( in April 2005), the ‘No’s’ came up with an upset victory
in the Constitutional Referendum, and the euphoria of that
anti-neo-capitalist majority, started making plans for a common far-Left
electoral front.
Too good to be true! As usual, the Left blew it. José Bové would have
been an obvious united candidate, given his media recognition and his
independence from any of the rival sectarian parties. But Bové was
unwilling to swear off any possible future alliance with the Socialist,
which was unacceptable to the purists. So we now have six rival
far-Left candidates, all agreed on the same platform: block OMG’s, block
the construction of the new Nuclear super-reactor, block the closing
profitable plants, roll back the privatization of public services, tax
the corporations, restore lost employee retirement rights, rebuild the
schools and hospitals, give basic rights to immigrants. Despite this
sectarian fiasco, it is still predicted that Bové, the Trotskyists, and
the CP will together attract about 12% of the votes this Sunday – such
is the strength of articulate opposition to aggressive, neo-liberal
capitalism in France. In my mind, a single far-Left candidate would
easily have attracted twice the number, a percentage which might
conceivably have pushed an anti-capitalist party into the second round
and make Bové (or someone like him) a credible threat as President –
based on the April 2005 majority. A Utopian dream, of course, but also a
nightmare for the French Establishment credible enough to serve as an
effective break on the resurgent Right. Alas, given the cynicism,
defeatism and pettiness of French Left party politics (aptly described
by Lenin as “parliamentary cretinism”) such a popular front remains a dream.
Which leaves us back at the original question, whom to vote for Sunday?
Elyane, my Provençale Significant Other, whose parents came from the
peasantry and joined the working class after WWII, is naturally torn
between between a worker candidate and a peasant. The worker is Olivier
Besencenot, the handsome, articulate, obviously sincere thirty-year-old
Trotskyist letter carrier, the leader of the far-Left pack. The peasant
is José Bové, the radical sheep-farmer famous for his non-violent
opposition to the French Army, his role in organizing of the Peasant
Federation, his appearance (complete with Roquefort) at the Seatle
anti-World Trade Organization protests and his courage facing serious
years in jail for complicity in the destruction of unlicensed
Genetically Modified crops. Both are a credit to the classes they
represent. Besensnot lives on his €1250 Euro ($1600) a month postman’s
salary and has been grudgingly given a two-month unpaid leave to
campaign. He’s knows his stuff, yet talks like someone his age, not some
Marxist political robot. On the other hand, Bové, the
international-minded peasant leader, campaigns in the suburban cités
(projects) where he is warmly welcomed by Black and Arab voters who
appreciate his pro-immigrant politics. These are the suburbs the racist
Sarkosy can’t campaign in, having insulted the people there by calling
them racaille (scum) during the youth riots two years ago and
threatening to clean them out with a pressure-hose.
Elyane has not yet decided whether to vote for Bové or Besencenot on
Sunday, but she is determined to exercise her republican right to vote
for someone she believes in the first round, since she’ll be obliged to
vote against the worse of two evils in the second round anyway. On the
other hand, France is ready for a woman President, and the Socialist
Ségolène Royale is an extremely attractive candidate who has a chance to
win. The Socialist rank and file chose to nominate her, precisely
because they thought she could win the Presidency in a modern, personal,
U.S. style campaign. She entered the race in December slightly ahead in
the polls over Sarkosy, the inevitable candidate of the Right. You would
think that the disappointed male hopefuls and their followers in the
Socialist Party would then have rallied to their charming female
candidate while hoping to occupy Ministries during her future five-year
term.
Wrong! The male-chauvinist Socialist politicos all walked away from her
campaign – even the father of her children, Party Chair François
Hollande – leaving Royale hanging out in the cold! Alone, inexperienced
as a national figure, Royale made a few, very few, gaffes in foreign
affairs. Of course she should have been flanked by SP specialists and
accompanied by her prospective Foreign Minister ready to answer the
tough questions during her first journey abroad. The critics jumped all
over her, and she lost her lead in the polls. Abandoned, she faced
hostile media: governement-controlled media influence by Sarkozy’s party
and right-wing private media recently bought out by two giant
pro-Sarkozy defense contractors, Lacordère and Dassault. In one TV
interview I chanced to see, Royale was being hectored, interrupted and
cross examined by an anchor-woman, yet she kept her aplomb and answered
every barbed question adroitly, with a smile. Royale has Hillary’s
smarts, but exhibits much more humanity.
Yet far from supporting their valiant female champion, the so-called
‘éléphants’ of the Socialst Party have continued stabbing her in the
back. Her official Economics Advisor, Besson, loudly quit her campaign
and then wrote a critical biography of her. Yesterday, former Socialist
Prime Minister Rocard undermined her campaign by calling for a defeatist
first round deal with the ‘Centrist’ Bayrou. The male rats are leaving
the Socialist ship they did their best to sink in order to form a
Center-Left ministry with Bayrou. Will this opportunistic manoever work?
I have the impression the French are tired of this worn-out ‘political
class’ of recycled professional male politicians, all petty
opportunists jockying for position. They yearn for renewal. Sarkozy
offers them economic renewal in the scary prospect of bringing
Bush-Blair style competitive market capitalism to France. Royale
promises a renewal of the social contract, the French eqivalant of the
New Deal and Fair Deal. Never mind that her promises are mere gestures.
French people, especially women, long for a kinder, gentler capitalism,
and many see Ségolène as a nurturing mother. Royale has consciously
based her campaign on the feminist practice of ‘listening’ to people
through town meetings and committees. This morning’s Libération shows
her campaigning in a Carrefour supermarket, where she stood up for the
rights of the cashiers, subject to low pay, difficult hours and now the
threat of being replaced by machines: “Salaried women are the
proletarians of today. 70% of poor workers are women, while job-cutting
CEO’s retire with multi-million dollar golden parachutes.” Never mind
that Royale’s proposed raise in the minimum wage amounts to nothing.
There are also pragmatic, realistic reasons why French voters might be
tempted to support the Ségolène Royale on the first round. It would be
far better to have her face Sarkosy in the second round, rather than the
fake Centrist Bayrou – an opportunistic Catholic Right-wing former
Minister of Education, famous for giving State financing to the
Parochial schools and privatizing the republican secular public
education system. I, personally, would far prefer to live in France for
the next five years under her Presidency then under an authoritarian,
racist, power-freak like Sarkozy, and I think that she would have a
better chance of beating him on May 6 than a recycled reactionary creep
like Bayrou.
In any case, the open secret of this Presidential campaign is that
Sarkozy scares people and that nobody in France is supposed to
notice.The only Frenchman not scared unafraid of him is Le Pen, whom
Sarkozy enraged by taking over his issues. Scaring people is Sarkozy’s
modus vivendi. Like Richard Nixon, Sarko operates a ‘hit-list’ of his
enemies, including honest critics in his own party who suddenly get the
ax after some slight. Like Dick Cheney, Sarko is vindictive and uses
fear to censor the least personal criticism the media. For example, he
got his ally Lacordère to fire a careless editor who reprinted a report
from the U.S. media about Sarkozy’s wayward wife – a taboo subject --
seen galavanting in N.Y. with her chevalier servant. Only Le Pen dares
to allude to the humiliating public cuckoldry of France’s diminutive,
vain, vindictive macho Minister of law and order.
More seriously, the media did not react for more than ten days to
Sarko’s latest racist outburst. In a published interview in Philosophy,
France’s top cop declared that pedophilia and teen suicide were
inherited, genetically-programmed forms of devience that neither
education nor social action (nor apparently Divine Mercy) could correct.
Nor do interviewers ever ask Sarkozy about his monomania, his violent
rages and his frequent use of outrageous language against colleagues and
adversaries alike. The Interior Minister even scares President Chirac,
blackmailing his former mentor and late rival into silence with the
threat of prosecution on corruption charges. Yet interviewed off the
record, mainstream French statesmen and journalists are seriously
concerned about Sarkozy’s unstable egomania, his lack of culture, and
his inhuman power-drive; some see him as a dangerous populist, a
potential Louis Bonaparte. France’s closest neighbors are also scared of
him. The Belgians are closely watching the French race on tinterhooks,
and Le Soir of Brussels declared Sarkozy “dangerous.” This fear is
shared by Spanish President Zapatero, who has openly declared for
Ségolène Royale. Here in France, Blacks, Arabs and other immigrants are
justifiably scared of Sarkozy’s proposed “Ministry of French Identity
and Immigration,” as are young people, old people and other vulnerable
or non-competitive citizens. In my opinion, Sarkozy is arguably worst
than Bush. Could I add more?
So who would you vote for this Sunday?
Conclusion: France may be an untidy democracy, but it’s nice to have
choices.
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