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[Marxism] Richard Greeman on the French elections



Posted in full as it's not available on-line yet.

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Round One of the French Presidential Election

by Richard Greeman

Confused about this Sunday’s French Presidential Election? Not to worry, so are French voters – to the point where nearly half are still undecided. The choices are complex, and with forty percent in the ‘undecided’ column, polling results are meaningless, manipulated extrapolations. It’s gotten to the point where French people are actually asking me, a foreigner, whom to vote for on the first round! How indeed to choose among twelve bona fide candidates, all of whom are visible – however briefly -- on the TV news?

On the far-Left side of the menu we have three Trotskyists, a Communist, a Green, and the heroic anti-globalizating peasant, José Bové. On the far-Right, Le Pen, the perennial neo-fascist menace; the Vicompte de Villiers representing traditional aristocratic landed property; and the Hunting-Fishing-Tradition Party of small landed property. In the Center of the menu, we find the three main items likely to survive into the runoffs. On the Center-Left an attractive female Socialist (Ségolène Royal), on the rabid Right, a scary Interior Minister (Nicolas Sarkozy) and on the Center-Right, an opportunistic spoiler named François Bayrou. This electoral menu presents a true embarras (‘embarassement’) of choices, and today’s Libération editorial expresses embarrassment how ‘folklorique’ France must look to us Anglo-Saxons. I should not be so embarrassed. I’m sure Blair and Bush agree in dismissing the French system as a ridiculous throwback, but a throwback to what? Could it be to democracy?

Coming from the U.S., the first thing I admire in the French system is this: the simple fact that people here get to vote on Sunday – the day when folks with jobs and kids to balance can get to the polls. After that, I like that fact that voter registration here is permanent and that French voters get to elect their President by direct ballot, not indirectly through an elite, corruptible Electoral College. Speaking of corruption, the French paper-ballot system prevents election-day fraud by the party in power, although the first electronic machines are being tested – and protested – this election. I also appreciate that the French Presidential campaign doesn’t last for two years or consist mainly of raising hundreds of millions from billionnaires expecting favors. I also like it that France may soon be governed by a woman who is not ashamed of being photographed in a bikini or of being the unwed mother of four children (the father is a Socialist Party colleague-cum-rival).
I also admire France’s pluralistic multi-party system, a secular system where God is not on the ballot and where only the crackpot Right candidates feel obliged to go to church. It permits opposition views to be heard in the media and gives direct expression to the needs and ideals of various social classes. Today’s France remains true to her reputation among Marxists and political sociologists as the ‘model’ bourgeois republic in which contending classes in society express their interests in explicitly political ways.

Recently, the French system has allowed for the development of a rather significant anti-neocapitalist movement to the left of the ‘official’ Left – a coalition of neo-liberal Socialists, Communists and Greens which presided over mass privatizations of public services when last in power. The new far-Left movement cristalized two years ago around opposition to a proposed neo-liberal European Constitution, which strongly supported by both the Right and the official Left in a vast ‘Yes to Europe!’ media campaign including endorsements by sports and entertainment stars. On the ‘No!’ side, all the little Left parties, unions and ecological groups mobilized their troops, pulled in lots of outside support; and mounted a nationwide grass-roots campaign. Exactly two years ago ( in April 2005), the ‘No’s’ came up with an upset victory in the Constitutional Referendum, and the euphoria of that anti-neo-capitalist majority, started making plans for a common far-Left electoral front.

Too good to be true! As usual, the Left blew it. José Bové would have been an obvious united candidate, given his media recognition and his independence from any of the rival sectarian parties. But Bové was unwilling to swear off any possible future alliance with the Socialist, which was unacceptable to the purists. So we now have six rival far-Left candidates, all agreed on the same platform: block OMG’s, block the construction of the new Nuclear super-reactor, block the closing profitable plants, roll back the privatization of public services, tax the corporations, restore lost employee retirement rights, rebuild the schools and hospitals, give basic rights to immigrants. Despite this sectarian fiasco, it is still predicted that Bové, the Trotskyists, and the CP will together attract about 12% of the votes this Sunday – such is the strength of articulate opposition to aggressive, neo-liberal capitalism in France. In my mind, a single far-Left candidate would easily have attracted twice the number, a percentage which might conceivably have pushed an anti-capitalist party into the second round and make Bové (or someone like him) a credible threat as President – based on the April 2005 majority. A Utopian dream, of course, but also a nightmare for the French Establishment credible enough to serve as an effective break on the resurgent Right. Alas, given the cynicism, defeatism and pettiness of French Left party politics (aptly described by Lenin as “parliamentary cretinism”) such a popular front remains a dream.

Which leaves us back at the original question, whom to vote for Sunday? Elyane, my Provençale Significant Other, whose parents came from the peasantry and joined the working class after WWII, is naturally torn between between a worker candidate and a peasant. The worker is Olivier Besencenot, the handsome, articulate, obviously sincere thirty-year-old Trotskyist letter carrier, the leader of the far-Left pack. The peasant is José Bové, the radical sheep-farmer famous for his non-violent opposition to the French Army, his role in organizing of the Peasant Federation, his appearance (complete with Roquefort) at the Seatle anti-World Trade Organization protests and his courage facing serious years in jail for complicity in the destruction of unlicensed Genetically Modified crops. Both are a credit to the classes they represent. Besensnot lives on his €1250 Euro ($1600) a month postman’s salary and has been grudgingly given a two-month unpaid leave to campaign. He’s knows his stuff, yet talks like someone his age, not some Marxist political robot. On the other hand, Bové, the international-minded peasant leader, campaigns in the suburban cités (projects) where he is warmly welcomed by Black and Arab voters who appreciate his pro-immigrant politics. These are the suburbs the racist Sarkosy can’t campaign in, having insulted the people there by calling them racaille (scum) during the youth riots two years ago and threatening to clean them out with a pressure-hose.

Elyane has not yet decided whether to vote for Bové or Besencenot on Sunday, but she is determined to exercise her republican right to vote for someone she believes in the first round, since she’ll be obliged to vote against the worse of two evils in the second round anyway. On the other hand, France is ready for a woman President, and the Socialist Ségolène Royale is an extremely attractive candidate who has a chance to win. The Socialist rank and file chose to nominate her, precisely because they thought she could win the Presidency in a modern, personal, U.S. style campaign. She entered the race in December slightly ahead in the polls over Sarkosy, the inevitable candidate of the Right. You would think that the disappointed male hopefuls and their followers in the Socialist Party would then have rallied to their charming female candidate while hoping to occupy Ministries during her future five-year term.

Wrong! The male-chauvinist Socialist politicos all walked away from her campaign – even the father of her children, Party Chair François Hollande – leaving Royale hanging out in the cold! Alone, inexperienced as a national figure, Royale made a few, very few, gaffes in foreign affairs. Of course she should have been flanked by SP specialists and accompanied by her prospective Foreign Minister ready to answer the tough questions during her first journey abroad. The critics jumped all over her, and she lost her lead in the polls. Abandoned, she faced hostile media: governement-controlled media influence by Sarkozy’s party and right-wing private media recently bought out by two giant pro-Sarkozy defense contractors, Lacordère and Dassault. In one TV interview I chanced to see, Royale was being hectored, interrupted and cross examined by an anchor-woman, yet she kept her aplomb and answered every barbed question adroitly, with a smile. Royale has Hillary’s smarts, but exhibits much more humanity.

Yet far from supporting their valiant female champion, the so-called ‘éléphants’ of the Socialst Party have continued stabbing her in the back. Her official Economics Advisor, Besson, loudly quit her campaign and then wrote a critical biography of her. Yesterday, former Socialist Prime Minister Rocard undermined her campaign by calling for a defeatist first round deal with the ‘Centrist’ Bayrou. The male rats are leaving the Socialist ship they did their best to sink in order to form a Center-Left ministry with Bayrou. Will this opportunistic manoever work?

I have the impression the French are tired of this worn-out ‘political class’ of recycled professional male politicians, all petty opportunists jockying for position. They yearn for renewal. Sarkozy offers them economic renewal in the scary prospect of bringing Bush-Blair style competitive market capitalism to France. Royale promises a renewal of the social contract, the French eqivalant of the New Deal and Fair Deal. Never mind that her promises are mere gestures. French people, especially women, long for a kinder, gentler capitalism, and many see Ségolène as a nurturing mother. Royale has consciously based her campaign on the feminist practice of ‘listening’ to people through town meetings and committees. This morning’s Libération shows her campaigning in a Carrefour supermarket, where she stood up for the rights of the cashiers, subject to low pay, difficult hours and now the threat of being replaced by machines: “Salaried women are the proletarians of today. 70% of poor workers are women, while job-cutting CEO’s retire with multi-million dollar golden parachutes.” Never mind that Royale’s proposed raise in the minimum wage amounts to nothing.

There are also pragmatic, realistic reasons why French voters might be tempted to support the Ségolène Royale on the first round. It would be far better to have her face Sarkosy in the second round, rather than the fake Centrist Bayrou – an opportunistic Catholic Right-wing former Minister of Education, famous for giving State financing to the Parochial schools and privatizing the republican secular public education system. I, personally, would far prefer to live in France for the next five years under her Presidency then under an authoritarian, racist, power-freak like Sarkozy, and I think that she would have a better chance of beating him on May 6 than a recycled reactionary creep like Bayrou.

In any case, the open secret of this Presidential campaign is that Sarkozy scares people and that nobody in France is supposed to notice.The only Frenchman not scared unafraid of him is Le Pen, whom Sarkozy enraged by taking over his issues. Scaring people is Sarkozy’s modus vivendi. Like Richard Nixon, Sarko operates a ‘hit-list’ of his enemies, including honest critics in his own party who suddenly get the ax after some slight. Like Dick Cheney, Sarko is vindictive and uses fear to censor the least personal criticism the media. For example, he got his ally Lacordère to fire a careless editor who reprinted a report from the U.S. media about Sarkozy’s wayward wife – a taboo subject -- seen galavanting in N.Y. with her chevalier servant. Only Le Pen dares to allude to the humiliating public cuckoldry of France’s diminutive, vain, vindictive macho Minister of law and order.

More seriously, the media did not react for more than ten days to Sarko’s latest racist outburst. In a published interview in Philosophy, France’s top cop declared that pedophilia and teen suicide were inherited, genetically-programmed forms of devience that neither education nor social action (nor apparently Divine Mercy) could correct. Nor do interviewers ever ask Sarkozy about his monomania, his violent rages and his frequent use of outrageous language against colleagues and adversaries alike. The Interior Minister even scares President Chirac, blackmailing his former mentor and late rival into silence with the threat of prosecution on corruption charges. Yet interviewed off the record, mainstream French statesmen and journalists are seriously concerned about Sarkozy’s unstable egomania, his lack of culture, and his inhuman power-drive; some see him as a dangerous populist, a potential Louis Bonaparte. France’s closest neighbors are also scared of him. The Belgians are closely watching the French race on tinterhooks, and Le Soir of Brussels declared Sarkozy “dangerous.” This fear is shared by Spanish President Zapatero, who has openly declared for Ségolène Royale. Here in France, Blacks, Arabs and other immigrants are justifiably scared of Sarkozy’s proposed “Ministry of French Identity and Immigration,” as are young people, old people and other vulnerable or non-competitive citizens. In my opinion, Sarkozy is arguably worst than Bush. Could I add more?

So who would you vote for this Sunday?

Conclusion: France may be an untidy democracy, but it’s nice to have choices.

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