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[Marxism] Colombia 2010: Prospects for Peace and the Polo Democratico
April 16, 2007
The Prospects for Peace in Colombia
by Garry Leech
While some are holding out hope for success in the peace talks
currently being conducted between the Uribe administration and the
National Liberation Army (ELN), there is virtually no possibility of
the current government achieving peace with the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC). However, there is reason to be cautiously
optimistic regarding the possibility that a post-Uribe government and
the FARC could reach a negotiated peace.
While President Alvaro Uribe’s popularity has not yet been
significantly affected by the current “para-politics” scandal,
increasing numbers of politicians allied with him have been linked to
the country’s right-wing paramilitary death squads. Even if Uribe
manages to remain above the scandal, he is constitutionally barred
from running for a third term and so a new president will be elected
in 2010. At this point, that election appears to be wide open. The
para-politics scandal could be the final death knell for Colombia’s
traditional parties, leading to the possibility that voters will look
elsewhere for leadership. This could open the door for the
presidential candidate of the center-left Polo Democrático to win the
presidency and for the party to gain a significant number of seats in
Congress. The appeal of the Polo at the national level was evident in
last year’s presidential election when the party’s candidate Carlos
Gaviria finished second, ahead of the Liberal Party candidate. In
other words, we could see Colombia in 2010 follow the path of Brazil,
Venezuela and Bolivia as voters become so disenchanted with the
traditional political elites that they begin seeking alternatives.
But even if such a scenario were to unfold, three other factors would
also have to occur if there is to be any possibility of achieving
peace following the 2010 elections:
1. The FARC has always maintained that the dismantling of the
paramilitaries is a pre-requisite to negotiating a cease-fire
agreement. While President Alvaro Uribe’s peace talks and
demobilization of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC)
has more closely resembled a restructuring than a dismantling, there
is an important difference in the new generation of paramilitaries.
While the AUC was deeply involved in criminal activities such as drug
trafficking, it was also ideologically motivated with the defining
factor of its ideology being a fierce anti-communism. There is
increasing evidence, however, that many groups belonging to the new
generation of paramilitaries are primarily organized crime networks
and less ideologically driven. In other words, they more closely
resemble the gangs that evolved in Central American countries
following the peace processes in that region. This of course does not
mean that the dirty war in Colombia is coming to an end, after all,
some of the new paramilitary groups are just as ruthless in dealing
with those engaged in social justice when they feel their interests
are being threatened. However, the ideology of anti-communism does
not appear to be as prominent a factor in the violence perpetrated by
the new groups as it was with the AUC. Any possibility of a Polo
Democrático victory in 2010 is dependent on the new generation of
paramilitaries not exterminating the party’s candidates in a
replication of the virtual eradication of the leftist Patriotic Union
party in the 1980s. While there were several Polo candidates
assassinated during last year’s congressional campaigns, the fact
that mass executions of the party’s members did not occur is the
first positive sign that center-left politicians might be able to
engage in the electoral process in Colombia and that the new
generation of paramilitaries are not as focused on politics. A Polo
Democrático victory would also depend on a resolution of the para-
politics scandal that ensures any remaining old school AUC members no
longer control the electoral processes in northern Colombia.
2. The Polo Democrático’s presidential candidate in 2010 would most
likely have to be more ideologically aligned with Venezuela’s Hugo
Chávez than Brazil’s Inácio Lula da Silva. Such a candidate would
increase the possibility of achieving peace with the FARC because any
negotiated end to the conflict would require the government commit
itself to implementing far-reaching social and economic changes that
challenge the increasingly unpopular neoliberal model that has been
installed over the past twenty years. The Pastrana administration’s
failure to consider any such economic restructuring was a key reason
that the last peace process stalled on the first negotiating point
and ultimately failed. The peaceful election of a center-left
government willing to implement many of the social and economic
policies that the FARC itself is calling for would eliminate the
rebel group’s justification for engaging in armed struggle.
3. A Polo Democrático government that challenges the neoliberal model
could only survive if Colombia’s economic elites, the military and
the United States accept the legitimacy of that democratically-
elected government. A potential deterrent to a post-election coup
might be the regional political climate in which center-left regimes
have become the norm and a military coup that overthrows a
democratically elected center-left government in Colombia would most
likely isolate the country. In the past, it was easy for the United
States to marginalize leftist governments in Latin America because
most of the regimes in the region were closely allied with
Washington. That situation has changed dramatically in recent years,
making it much more difficult for the United States to isolate
leaders like Venezuela’s Chávez and Bolivia’s Evo Morales.
Consequently, the current regional political climate makes the
survival of a center-left regime in Colombia more feasible than at
any time in the country’s history.
While it is clear that achieving such a peace in Colombia would
require several delicate pieces of the political jigsaw to fall
perfectly into place, it is not entirely inconceivable. Consequently,
while still a long shot, the prospects for peace in Colombia are
better than they have been in decades.
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- Thread context:
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Louis Proyect Tue 17 Apr 2007, 16:41 GMT
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- [Marxism] Hugo Chavez and the Venezuelan Revolution, part 2,
Louis Proyect Tue 17 Apr 2007, 15:22 GMT
- [Marxism] Colombia 2010: Prospects for Peace and the Polo Democratico,
Greg McDonald Tue 17 Apr 2007, 14:44 GMT
- [Marxism] Bolivarian Continental Coordination: Call to Action against G-8 Summit,
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- [Marxism] Ray McGovern on Cheney & the Democrats,
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- [Marxism] Solomon slams Republicrats on Iran,
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- [Marxism] Re: Evo's errors,
Fred Feldman Tue 17 Apr 2007, 10:08 GMT
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