[Marxism] Eduardo Dimas: Integration & the Latin American Left

[Greg McDonald <sabocat59@xxxxxxx>]

Some meditations about integration and the Latin American left


http://www.progresoweekly.com/index.php? 
progreso=eduardo_dimas&otherweek=

By Eduardo Dimas

I confess that writing a headline for this article gave me a  
headache. I thought of titling it "Lights and shadows of Latin  
American integration," for example, or "What's happening with the  
progressive governments in Latin America?" But those titles were very  
trite.

Then it seemed better to me to title it "Latin America's right,  
supported by George W. Bush and José María Aznar, takes the  
offensive," or "The Latin American left does not know how to defend  
itself or doesn't want to." Both reflected reality in part, but I  
liked neither because they don't encompass the complexity of the  
problem.

So I opted for a more neutral headline, something more "academic" --  
a word I detest, with due apologies to academicians, whom I greatly  
respect -- and that's the headline that appears above. Besides, this  
title is closer to the reality I want to analyze with you, dear reader.

After W. Bush's visit to five Latin American countries (Brazil,  
Uruguay, Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico) early in March, we could  
better see the cracks that have developed in the integration of Latin  
America. It was possible to have a clearer vision of the problems  
affecting that integration and, above all, of the weaknesses or  
shortcomings of the progressive, nationalist or leftist forces --  
some more, some less -- that have risen to power via the ballot box  
in several countries of Latin America.

The proposal for the production of ethanol (ethyl alcohol) was the  
wedge that allowed us to see those cracks more clearly. But the  
cracks already existed and all that remained was for some step taken  
by the United States government to make them more visible; for the  
divisions clothed in the language of integration (a political and  
accommodating language) to spread forcefully.

That doesn't mean that all is lost and that the process of Latin  
American integration will cease to exist, or that the progressive,  
nationalist or leftist forces have been defeated and there's nothing  
left to do.

However, those forces face a much greater challenge that makes them  
vulnerable to the interests of the transnational corporations and the  
national oligarchies that are embedded in their governments, hiding,  
waiting for an opportune moment when their representatives will bring  
them to the fore. Ethanol has become the apple of discord, but that's  
not the main reason.

Except for the Venezuelan process led by Hugo Chávez and, to a lesser  
degree, the Bolivian process led by Evo Morales, all the other  
governments in the Mercosur have demonstrated weaknesses or collusion  
with the economic powers that historically have directed politics and  
economics in those nations.

Such is the case of Lula's administration in Brazil, Néstor  
Kirchner's in Argentina, Nicanor Duarte's in Paraguay and Tabaré  
Vázquez's in Uruguay. This does not mean that they didn't do as much  
as possible -- some more, some less -- to strengthen Latin American  
integration or that they didn't try to solve, to the best of their  
abilities, the pressing social problems that affect their peoples.

To do so, they fended off Washington's intention to impose a Free  
Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and they strengthened the  
structures of the Mercosur. The admission of Venezuela to that bloc  
led to an agreement on energy integration, the basis for any future  
development. Those plans will continue, because they benefit everyone.

We could even say that the political stances of the Mercosur became  
stronger from that moment on, and that new ideas came up, such as the  
South American Community of Nations. It was the old Bolivarian dream,  
still in diapers and with an even chance to continue growing or to be  
murdered in the arms of those who aspire to a true economic and  
political union of all Latin American nations.

To establish economic accords with the U.S. -- be they called FTAA,  
FTA or TIFA (Trade and Investment Framework Agreement) as in the case  
of Uruguay -- or to agree to the production of ethanol is, in one way  
or another, to create asymmetrical economic links with the principal  
enemy of Latin American integration. And that's just what is happening.

It goes without saying that the big profits that the production of  
ethanol and biodiesel can generate (the carrot) have enthused the  
national oligarchies and bourgeoisies in several Latin American  
countries. By extension, they have created a propitious environment  
for the cracks that exist in integration to widen and perhaps cause  
the fragmentation not only of Mercosur but also of all of Latin  
America -- something that the White House and the elite of U.S. and  
world power devoutly wish.

I agree with Uruguayan journalist/analyst Raúl Zibechi, who, in his  
article "The ethanol tour," published in Mexico's La Jornada, points  
out that the public appearance and speech made in Argentina by  
President Hugo Chávez (with the Argentine president's blessing)  
during W. Bush's visit to Uruguay was "not only a gesture of  
repudiation to Bush but also a clear distancing from Vázquez and  
Lula." And this is an unequivocal symptom of division that will be  
pounced on gleefully by the local oligarchies, allies of the U.S.  
interests.

I think Chávez was right when he opened a distance between his  
position and Lula's and Vázquez's, because it is not possible to hold  
a position of integration and that the same time come to an agreement  
with the principal opponent of Latin American integration. One  
remarkable aspect was Evo Morales' absence from the appearance Chávez  
made in Argentina. Kirchner didn't attend, either, but supported  
Chávez. He allowed the speech to be given in his country.

Shadings sometimes reflect positions. It would not be idle to  
conclude that, in this case as in everything that deals with  
international relations, even in the local environment of Latin  
America, everyone plays his own game in coordination with other  
players or by himself, depending on his own internal situation. The  
opposite would be abnormal.

As is known, Evo Morales' government is going through a difficult  
situation. Eight months after the Constituent Assembly was created,  
it has been unable to pass a single provision of the new Magna Carta  
that must rule the destiny of a fairer and more equitable Bolivia,  
especially in terms of the indigenous population and the poorest  
sectors.

The boycott imposed by the right, together with mistakes made by the  
government, has been effective. It is hard to imagine that, in the  
four months between now and August, the Assembly can write and pass  
an entire Constitution.

The push for autonomy promoted in four departments (Santa Cruz,  
Tarija, Beni and Pando) and supported from abroad has gained  
momentum. Several members of the Assembly were attacked by young  
fascists in Santa Cruz while they tried to explain the Constitution's  
objectives.

The group Podemos, led by Jorge "Tuto" Quiroga, has become strong in  
those departments, especially in Santa Cruz, where it erected a  
gallows at the foot of the statue of Christ the Redeemer to symbolize  
its willingness to go to any extreme.

The nationalization of hydrocarbons has not gone well, either. In  
less than one year, Morales has had to replace four directors of the  
Fiscal Oil Fields of Bolivia because of various irregularities that  
benefit oil transnationals. Also, three functionaries have occupied  
the post of Minister of Mines and Hydrocarbons in less than 18 months.

Worst of all, the split between the leftist and progressive  
organizations has become deeper, which leaves Morales' administration  
without effective support. And, needless to say, it is not possible  
to govern when the people spend all their time on the streets  
supporting the government's actions.

In Brazil, the new government designed by Lula is tilting to the  
right more than the previous government, and its pronouncements (not  
only its deeds) indicate a shift from center-left toward the right.  
Even the Army, in what was obviously a show of force, made the  
president look bad during the strike of air controllers, who are  
members of the Brazilian Air Force.

Lula wanted to settle the problem by means of negotiation, but the  
Army chief, Gen. Junino Saito, flatly rejected the proposal made by  
the man who, according to the Constitution, is the commander in chief  
of the Brazilian armed forces.

Some media, such as APM (Mercosur Press Agency), even spoke of an  
attempted coup d'état. Elsewhere, the theologian and renowned  
intellectual Frei Betto, who withdrew his support of Lula long ago,  
alerted the president about the harm that ethanol production from  
sugar cane can inflict on the Brazilian people and economy. Brazil  
also has awful experiences about the effect on the poor of single- 
crop cultivation, when it is left in the hands of the oligarchy and  
the transnational corporations.

I won't mention Uruguay again. I have done so in other articles that  
I hope you have read. Perhaps the best description of the  
administration of the Broad Front to date was given by Senator José  
Mujica, a former member of the Tupamaros organization who was  
tortured and served a prison term, who said in the Senate that "the  
government of the Broad Front [had] been defeated by neoliberalism."  
No comment needed.

Finally, Ecuador will hold a referendum on Sunday, April 15, on the  
creation of a Constituent National Assembly whose task it will be  
(same as in Bolivia) to write a new Magna Carta. The new president,  
Rafael Correa, and his administration have had to fight vigorously  
against all the obstacles erected by the traditional parties.

First, the parties tried to declare the referendum unconstitutional.  
Then they tried to oust the president of the Electoral Supreme Court  
(ESC), Jorge Acosta, who expelled 57 deputies from Parliament who  
were replaced by their alternates. Sued by the expelled legislators,  
the Constitutional Tribunal declared that the ESC ruling was legal.  
Now, the president of Parliament, Jorge Cevallos and the expelled  
deputies are trying to prolong the crisis, delaying the start of the  
sessions as long as possible.

Notwithstanding the results of the referendum, it is evident that the  
Correa government is facing a very complex situation. The economy was  
dollarized during the administration of Jamil Mahuad, who was ousted  
by the people. This makes it particularly sensitive to U.S. pressure.

Seventy percent of the population lives in poverty. The traditional  
parties, allies of the oligarchy, and the transnationals will do  
everything possible to prevent Correa from making the changes that  
will benefit the Ecuadorean people. He is supported by the people and  
the leftist and progressive organizations.

We shall await the results of the referendum. But, as of now, it is  
possible to predict that, as in Bolivia, the right will do everything  
it can to impede the writing of a new Constitution that will harm  
their interests to the benefit of the needy.

I think you will agree with me that these reflections are not very  
optimistic when it comes to Latin American integration and the  
development of the social justice that is so necessary for the people  
of the region. The offensive staged by the right is well directed and  
has the backing of the government of the United States and other  
forces, such as José María Aznar's Christian Democrats.

The fact is that it is very difficult for any government, no matter  
how well-intentioned, to make the changes required by the people and  
the region by obeying the rules of the game designed by the ruling  
classes to preserve their interests. That seems to be the reality.




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