[Marxism] comments on "Evo Morales's project: the limits of nationalism" by Andreas A Tsolakis

["Darrel Furlotte" <darrel.furlotte@xxxxxxxxx>]

I'm forwarding to the list (with his permission)  a useful contribution to the 
discussion on Bolivia that was sent to me by a comrade with extensive 
experience in struggles to advance socialist objectives, both in Canada and 
Latin America, since the early 60s.
Darrel
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Posted below  is an article Evo Morales's project: the limits of nationalism, 
written by Andreas A Tsolakis,  a Warwick University academic.  It appears in 
the openDemocracy website, dated 14-06-2006. The site describes the author in 
these words: "Andreas A Tsolakis is a PhD candidate at the department of 
Politics and International Studies of Warwick University, England, currently 
undertaking research on post-1985 neo-liberal restructuring in Bolivia."

Despite its obvious merits, the article exhibits all the perils of trying to 
impose historical schema on actually unfolding events, and to ignore the 
political and class dynamics of an ongoing struggle. 

It also seriously understimates the internationalist approach of the Morales 
government. The nationalizations in Bolivia are not restricted to a socalled 
Bolivian nationalist framework, as Tsolakis alleges, but form part of the 
government's ALBA strategy. In fact, the ALBA alliance have embarked on a 
course that Tsolakis himself says is the only way forward, in the section on "A 
regional path."  

He writes: "Evo Morales's nationalist ideology has to confront the obstacle of 
Bolivia's continued integration in the global capitalist production structure 
and membership in global governance institutions, which legally constrain 
national policy-making along neo-liberal lines. A straightforward "delinking" 
would be both impossible and undesirable. The new Bolivian leadership inherits 
a landlocked, predominantly poor society, with a technologically backward 
industrial sector, and highly dependent on extracting raw materials whose value 
is dependent on variable world-market conditions. 
"These constraints imply that the best way forward for Bolivia in current 
conditions would be through a new regionalism of the kind pioneered by Hugo 
Chavez's "Bolivarian federation", as a clear alternative to the FTAA. The 
impetus of the Bolivian and Venezuelan administrations provides an 
unprecedented opportunity for progressive movements to build a macro-regional 
institutional bloc that can potentially channel their professed socialist 
ambitions by constitutional means to challenge economic imperialism backed by 
global regulatory institutions in Latin America. The formation of such a 
macro-regional, integrated web of nationalised industries - on which rich 
western societies depend for their own growth - is both conceivable and 
desirable." 

It is quite likely that some elements in the MAS coalition would prefer a 
nationalist, non ALBA course, or even some kind of modus vivendi with Brazil, 
as opposed to ALBA. But thus far, Morales has clearly moved to secure the ALBA 
opening. This is indicated, above all, in Venezuela's agreed role in the 
industrialization of Bolivian hydrocarbon resources.

Morales visited Ecuador last week and made some very significant statements 
regarding Bolivia's approach to indigenous unity among Andean peoples. He was 
in Quito to attend a summit of the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) trade 
alliance, of which he is the current president. But he used the visit to 
address a large rally of indigenous people organized by Consejo de Gobierno de 
Ecuarunari (Governing Council of the Ecuarunari people) an organization that 
unites the Sierra Kichua nations. One of its most important members is the 
Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador (CONAIE). Uruguayan 
journalist and Ecaudoran resident Kintto Lucas reported in yesterday's Rebelion 
(http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=33236) that Morales "criticized US 
policy and its proposed bilateral free trade agreements, emphasized solidarity 
with the governments of Cuba and Venezuela, and decidedly supported the 
candidacy of CONAIE president Luis Macas for the presidency of Ecuador, and 
argued for regional integraton. 'While (presidents) Fidel Castro (of Cuba) and 
Hugo Chavez (of Venezuela) offer disinterested and unconditional aid to 
Bolivia, the US government always imposes conditions on its assistance, such as 
for example that our countries become involved in their particular war on 
terrorism,' he argued. 'It's aid based on submission because what they want is 
a colonized democracy.'"

"In March," Morales said, "we were waiting for the outcome of the struggle of 
the Ecuadoran indigenous people against the Occidental Petroleum firm (OXY) and 
the signing of a free trade agreement, because we did not want an agreement 
that went against the interests of our people, against our producers, against 
our economy. And finally the mobilizations were victorious."

Kintto also noted Morales's response to expected criticism of his endorsation 
of Macas's candidacy for Ecuadoran president. Morales said he "has no fear" of 
what "right wing Ecuadoran" sectors might say about interfering in the internal 
affairs of the country. "Let them say what they will, but solidarity among our 
people is above all, and in Latin America the indigenous peoples and the people 
in general are one big familty."

Morales also made a very important observation about the nature of his 
political organization, the MAS.  He said:
"We decided to take back power for the peoples that have been mistreated for so 
many years. Many doubted that city people would support us, but when we 
explained the significance of our struggle and when they understood that our 
needs were the same, we were able to move forward. Students, writers, artists, 
and different sectors in the cities came on board. Mobilization has been our 
main university because it made us debate our reality and take on a commitment 
to change it."

He said that the structure of the political movement is important, but of more 
importance is the structure of the social movement. "You can win an election 
just with a political movement, but to confront and totally defeat the 
neoliberal model a government has to base itself in organized social movements 
in the countryside and the city. We must also coordinate with movements in 
brother countries," he said. "We build a political instrument that the coca 
leaf and the land gave birth to, a movement that was supported not just by the 
originary peoples but also by students, intellectuals, laborers, professionals, 
and workers in the countryside and the cities."

I've included these extensive excerpts from Morales's Ecuador speech because I 
think it is a highly significant indicator of the course he is on. Morale's 
actions in government reveal not a Bolivian nationalist, but an indigenous 
internatitonalist at work. Key elements of his internationalist strategy are 
the ALBA convergence and also Andean indigenous unity. Hence, his open support 
to the Macas candidacy.

Returning to the Tsolakis piece (below), what is striking is how sterile the 
exercise is once it abstracts its schema from the real political struggle and 
clash of forces involved in the options before the Bolivian government.  Of 
course, all analysis requires a stage of abstraction and categorization with 
reference to other historical experiences, but then these abstractions have to 
be re-inserted into the real world of class and national struggles, or else 
they remain infertile and even pernicious.

Phil Cournoyer
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Evo Morales's project: the limits of nationalism 
 Andreas A Tsolakis 
14 - 6 - 2006 

The bold rhetoric and policies of the new Bolivian president are deceptive; his 
political project will fail to emancipate Bolivians, says Andreas A Tsolakis. 

These are interesting and progressive times for Bolivia, and for Latin America 
as a whole. Indeed, it can be argued that the continental logic of governance 
informed by the 19th century "Monroe doctrine" which sought to establish the 
region as the United States's protectorate, is dissolving at an accelerated 
pace. 

This dissolution is symbolised by the effective burial of the Free Trade Area 
of the Americas (FTAA), and the US's reluctant return to its historical 
strategy of signing bilateral free-trade agreements with "friendly" 
administrations; currently these cover nine of the thirty-six countries, 
including the three Andean states of Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. 

The oppressive nature of this hemispheric alliance or bloc is well documented: 
US elites, in their global struggle against the "red threat" of communism in 
the cold-war era, have consistently supported (by financial, logistical and 
ideological means) military dictatorships in the region. A notorious example is 
the multinational "Operation Condor" organised with CIA support in the 1970s, 
Bolivian dictator-turned-elected-president Hugo Banzer was an active 
participant in this extensive covert operation.

Full article at:
http://www.opendemocracy.net/articles/ViewPopUpArticle.jsp?id=3&articleId=3645#

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