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[Marxism] Labor party/underpinnings



This is a response to a post on the swp list by David Walters which
follows my comments immediately below.
I believe the subject matter belongs on this list as well:
* * *
It's impossible for someone like me to respond to what I think are the
many misconceptions that can be expected in an all-inclusive political
forum open to anyone. I will only point out why David's stance
toward how the very small number of union conscious trade union
radicals who in these modern-day "Labor Party Clubs" had not even
paid their dues as serious trade union activists.

I believe that it is a mistake that parallels one made by Frank Lovell
and adopted by the Barnes faction of the SWP in 1977 or around that
time--what Frank called "labor party clubs." This was the notion that
the very small and highly inexperienced SWPers recently colonized in
the industrial unions could have realistically taken on such a task was
not even an adventure, it was a delusion.

I had tried to point out to comrades at the NC plenum where it had first
been introduced that it was a mistake to organize not only a propaganda
campaign out of the blue; that is, there was no evidence of such a
movement stirring inside the unions we had colonized, much less
elsewhere. But the proposal for the "labor party clubs" slogan went
beyond a propaganda offensive which is legitimate from time to time.
It was also an agitational and even more far-fetched, an ACTION
campaign for a labor party, to boot! But there was no evidence that
such a movement actually existed. And to think that the party at that
time could initiate such a campaign was a delusion. I don't blame Frank
too much because he was trying his best to find some focus of activity
for the comrades. But it was a mistake.

Remember that the SWP had never attempted in the thirties and early
forties, when the unions were on the offensive such a momentous
campaign. Remember too, that the party, at that time, had a highly
experienced trade union cadre headed by comrades like Cannon, Dobbs,
the Dunne brothers, Karl Skogland and so many others including many
who had later broke with the party along with Cochrane, who were also
hardnosed class-conscious fighters and leaders.

(David and other comrades on this list who were on the NC at the time
will remember how my words of caution as one who had given CRITICAL
support, again with the emphasis on SUPPORT to the Barnes and new
youth leadership at the time were received. In a word, they did not
answer my argument. Instead, they simply dismissed me as wanting
to change the party line on our support for independent labor political
action, which at that time and even now would likely take the form of
a labor party.

But David and those who are even more wrong in giving critical support
to the Greens, don't really understand our class struggle approach to the
unions. It doesn't BEGIN with formal independent political action, that is,
it's ELECTORAL expression--although it is not EXCLUDED. It historically
and logically begins at the points of production and transportation--against
the boss at the very center of the class struggle on the job!

One final word before ending. I just heard news that the TWU rank and file
rejected the contract virtually imposed on NY Cities transit workers.
What should take precedence in the discussions on this list should be the big
question of the focus for intervention of proletarian revolutionists in what
is clearly another piece of evidence along with the events among GM/Delphi
UAW workers and other places that the prolonged period of relative worker
passivity imposed on them by the unholy alliance of bosses and bureaucrats...
and their wholly owned government...is coming to an end!

Comradely, generically speaking,
Nat
------------------------------------------------

David let you give you my experience with the LP and Greens, since i
have with both. I was Chair for a few years of the SF LP. The SF LP,
like many of the local chapters, was often the killing fields of left
groups seeking to manouver for control, etc. But, because Nat's
comrades spent an amazingly short time in the LP, they viewed it only
in the 'macro' sense: a few local meetings and then two conventions
(the Founding Convention and then the first Constitutional
covnention). The dynamics and discussion locally and nationally was
much more multi-dimentional than most on the left (as in
most 'socialists' who abstained from LP activities) saw on the
surface. That's another discussion. But...

While active in the LP, we worked with Greens on several issues. The
first point is that the main thing is not to be sectarian toward
groupings of activists (such as GP activists) *simply* because they
are in the GP or express the very kind of confused politics that most
Greens put out.

In 2000/2001 we initiated the "Labor Task Force for Public Power"
which had local union support, rank and file support and was composed
of many LP members including our Chapter of the LP which was the core
group. The purpose lf teh LTFPP was to support an initiative that
would disenfranchise Pacific Gas and Electric from their owner ship
of the electric grid in San Francisco, that is, municipalization. We
were of course, opposed in this by the local Democratic party machine
and the company union (which is my union) which represents me and my
fellow workers here.

We (power plant workers, etc,) gave extensive workshops on what the
industry is, how it generates power, etc to local GP, and other
activsts (one of whom is now Green Party SF City Council people: Ross
Makarimi and Chris Daly, the leading housing activist in the city).
We spoke as LP members in front of union locals. We swung the Labor
Council in SF to break with their 50 year opposition to public power
(and I got thrown off the Labor Council because of it right before my
own local dissaffiliated with it!). All this in the midst of power
outages caused by the California electrical power crisis. Truly 'fun'
and exciting times.

We came within 500(!!!) of votes of winning the proposition. This was
parallel to the first Labor party endorsed candidate for the
Municipal Utility District that ran on a slate of Labor Council
endorsed candidates (which included SFLC members, most of whom were
registered Democrats, one of who received endorsement from a
Democratic Party club) including one leading Black trade unionist who
was running as a Green. Now, the MUD would not of been like a regular
gov't body. It is much more akin to something like a Rent Board or
other task-driven community board. But we worked closely with the GP
on this campaign.

It did not require the LP to endorse any other candidate, including
those on the Labor Slate for the MUD. But it was a worth while
experience in 'real' community politics under real issues
(municipalization). And we were able to influence the GP on some
issues, like support for single payer health care where Medea
Benjamin adopted the LP section on health care in total.

Having said all that, for the first time the LP ran a candidate,
Robin David, an ex-SWP and recently retired IBEW Local 1245 member,
power plant worker, etc. The LP did nothing nationally to support our
campaign, but we built a full-time local union based campaign out of
the Teacher Union headquarters and had dozens and dozens of
volunteers. The national Labor Party blew it big time. They may be
making up for it in South Carolina. We will see. We split the Green
Party politically because a wing of the GP got Medea Benjamin to run
AGAINST Robin for the same district of the MUD, thus effectively
splitting the broad based 'not-the-democratic-party left vote'. They
ran a campaign that attacked the idea of 'Big Labor' getting involved
in electoral politics!

Medea and her supporters in the Green Party became a leading Anybody
But Bush "Demo-Green" during the last Presidential election.

So, at the level of union politics, anyway, I'm all for collaborating
with with Greens, etc. I don't think there needs to be any special
relationship outside of specific campaigns around specific issues.

David Walters

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