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Re: [Marxism] SDS
I'm teaching my own course on the sixties at present, to stage 2 and
3 (second and third year of BA) students in a History Dept summer
school here. Among the many readings I give them are speeches by
Kennedy and Johnson and the 1962 Port Huron document.
Today, I've just downloaded the Paul Potter 1965 "Name the System"
speech and Carl Oglesby's "Let us Shape the Future" from later in 1965.
These are impressive speeches and impressive people.
The SWP-YSA really stuffed up on the whole SDS thing!!!!
SDS leaders' insights into the most alienating and dehumanising
elements of capitalism and their critique of Cold War liberalism,
from virtually the birth of SDS, is really very impressive.
Especially considering where SDS came from - ie the League for
Industrial Democracy.
Imagine seeing SDS as rivals to be undermined and screwed over
instead of people to try to seriously and genuinely work with and
build a socialist movement with!
Crazy!
—Phil
* * * * *
By November 1968 (and afterwards), the alternatives seemed to be
picking up the gun or picking from among the candidates the ruling
class would permit to live and run for office. At the time, I think
that most of us recognized that either of these put all the eggs in
one basket...that is, choosing one of these created a dynamic that
would allow that solution to select itself in the future. A very
small proportion of what had been there actually made its way past
the Democratic addiction.
It always seemed to me that the SWP and the Left saw student
radicals as a renewable resource. Generally, they viewed radicals
with any experience in something like the SDS as simply pains-in-the-
neck who asked questions and argued. They wanted to bring in the
inexperienced and more malleable, so that what they'd learn would be
under the particular tutelage of the organization.
—Mark Lause
____________
When discussing SDS, one has to separate the founders and what they
wrote from the SDS that developed in the late 1960s. Most of the
founders either stood aside from what happened later or became
involved in other related activity. By the late 1960s, there were two
SDSs: one was the leadership and their competing factions; the other
was the rank and file, which was not kind of rank and file that is
linked to leadership—they were an entirely different group as Peter
Buch and I learned long before books were written that also pointed
this out.
The general statements of the early SDS had no connection to their
actual practice. For several years, they were a minor force on the
campus, despite one of the best named organizations ever. SDS took
off after the Berkeley Free Speech Movement, which expressed in
action some of their ideology, and the 1965 Vietnam March in
Washington, D.C. As students began to identify with action, they
formed their own chapters, but with practically no connection with
their national office. The experience that Peter Buch and I had with
the students at Smith College is completely consistent with SDS's
collapse.
Peter Buch was a Socialist Workers Party candidate for congress in
New York City in the 1968 election. I was working on the national
campaign staff for Halstead and Boutelle. Peter and I were sent on a
speaking tour to meet some campus contacts from the election
campaign. Included were Yale, Smith College, Goddard and one or two
others. Later we made another tour in the South, where Peter spoke at
LSU, Southern University and others whose names escape me.
The meeting that I remember best was at Smith College, where Peter
was sponsored by the local SDS chapter. For these young people, those
who ran for office outside of the two-party system, in particular
outside the Democratic Party, was in the category of space aliens.
They hadn't heard that SDS was a radical organization. The rank-and-
file of the estimated 50,000 members nationwide probably joined
because they thought that it was a very active open student
empowerment organization. Those who have written that it was an
extreme left organization have substituted the fight within the
leadership for the real politics of the members, which were not that
different from young Democrats except for their desire for some sort
of action outside the electoral arena.
Of course, there were chapters that started out and maintained their
militancy, having only light association with the former leadership.
And one might consider them also part of SDS. But the overwhelming
majority of the thousands that swelled their ranks before it broke
apart continued on the liberal Democrat trajectory that they had
started with.
It was no surprise to most of the SWP that the fight between the
Weatherpeople and the two RYMs did not involve the membership. The
rank and file membership had no idea what it was about. They walked
away once Kennedy was shot, McCarthy lost, and Humphrey became the
candidate.
One final point for Phil. I don't believe that there was summing up
over the decision not to get involved in SDS. However, there was a
general agreement that had we joined in, what happened to SDS would
not only not have helped us, it would have set us back. The
donnybrook that took place would simply have put us in the mix with
PL and the Weatherpeople. Lots of pain and no gain.
Brian Shannon
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