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[Marxism] The 2004 London and NYC demonstrations against Bush
On Jan 8, 2006, at 6:03 AM, Jscotlive@xxxxxxx wrote:
In a message dated 08/01/2006 04:35:54 GMT Standard Time,
Brian_Shannon@xxxxxxxxxxx writes:
The British antiwar movement of course hates Blair; nonetheless,
in its
failure to put the greatest focus on the imperialism of "its own
country," it failed to deepen its struggle. Blair is the leader of
the greatest
imperialist power before the domination of the United States and
remains the United State's lesser, but absolutely necessary ally--
not a puppy,
just a smaller wolf. At the end of the day, the masses
demonstrating against
Bush could go home satisfied that they had opposed the wolf across
the
sea--"Bush Go Home." Their understanding and resolve would have
increased had
they put their focus on the lesser wolf.
Reply:
But surely this misses the point. Blair and British imperialism
would be
nothing without US imperialism to latch onto. I disagree that the
British antiwar
movement has not gone after Blair. A motion to impeach was recently
singed by
over 100 MPs, and Rose Gentle and other Military Families Against
The War just
had their first attempt to bring him into the High Court rebuffed.
It would be very useful for those of us in the U.S. to see more of
what European comrades are doing. Because Marxmail is formless, it is
often lopsided.
My post above refers to a demonstration in March of 2004, not to
other actions.
The differences appeared when I pointed to the, in my opinion,
entirely correct comment in the U.S. paper The Militant that the
London demonstration's focus on Bush was in error. I was surprised
that it prompted any disagreement at all. Those who argued against me
had themselves participated in the antiwar movement in the United
States and were educated in the spirit of Lenin's aphorism that the
main enemy is in your own country.
Joaquin and others pointed out that The Militant accusations were
entirely motivated to cover its own abstention in today's antiwar
movement. Although I partially agree with this judgment, I think that
emphasis on the printed word is often more useful for our literary
discussion than attempting to plumb the motives behind it. Joaquin
used it to attack the U.S. SWP. I thought that The Militant contained
information that I hadn't seen elsewhere. When I followed up by
looking at photographs and statements of the demo's leaders I saw
that the facts behind The Militant's article pointed to an important
lost opportunity.
Later that year, there was a similar development here in the U.S. The
truly massive demonstration against the Iraq war that was held in New
York City during the Republican Party convention was a demonstration
almost entirely against George W. Bush's war and certainly far from
against the Democratic Party's co-responsibility for the war. It
reflected an overwhelming desire to replace Bush with "anybody except
him."
Conference reaffirms the Party's commitment to waging the struggle for
Scottish independence under the banner of anti-imperialism,
internationalism and
republicanism. As a socialist party in the tradition of John
Maclean and James
Connolly we uphold the aforementioned principles, and in so doing
recognise the
common enemy of all humanity at this point in our history as US
imperialism
and its allies.
There are interesting connections to U.S. history.
(1) Although it was the slave states that upon the election of
Lincoln attempted to break away, there was also a similar campaign by
the most prominent wing of abolitionists. Pointing to the U.S.
Constitution's proslavery structure, William Lloyd Garrison called it
a pact with the devil and a covenant with hell and once publicly
burned a copy of it—shades of flag burning! He openly advocated
withdrawing from the United States. Under his influence a
Massachusetts convention of abolitionists called upon the North to
secede from the Union.
(2) For the advocates of the U.S. Constitution of 1789, the example
of the 1707 union of England and Scotland was a positive example of
what could be accomplished by binding together in a unitary state.
They feared that the increasing conflicts between the former separate
colonies might break the weak confederacy apart. They also argued
that foreign powers, including Spain and England, might encourage
these divisions. This geopolitical argument was strongly emphasized
in the earliest articles of the Federalist Papers.
All three authors of the Federalist papers used language similar to
the Act of Union to argue in favor of a "more perfect" or "strict and
indissoluble union"—Madison in Philadelphia and Jay and Hamilton in
Federalist papers numbers 5 and 11. They emphasized that their
contiguous land borders would likely lead to standing armies and
conflicts that would be similar to those of Great Britain before the
union. "Then would arise mutual restrictions and fears, mutual
garrisons, and standing armies, and all those dreadful evils which
for so many ages plagued England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, while
they continued disunited, and were played off against each other."
John Jay, "An Address to the People of the State of New York."
In today's age of imperialism, with the experience of two world wars
and under the domination of a single superpower, border military
conflicts have receded for the advanced countries. And the advantages
of some forms of union have receded as well.
Brian Shannon
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