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[Marxism] Debunking Chang and Halliday



http://www.lrb.co.uk/v27/n22/print/nath01_.html
LRB | Vol. 27 No. 22 dated 17 November 2005 | Andrew Nathan
Jade and Plastic

Mao: The Unknown Story by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday [ Buy from the London Review Bookshop ] · Cape, 814 pp, £25.00

Mao Zedong?s long, wicked life has generated some lengthy biographies in English. Jung Chang and Jon Halliday?s is the longest, having overtaken Philip Short?s Mao (1999) and Li Zhisui?s The Private Life of Chairman Mao (1995). It represents an extraordinary research effort. The authors have been working on the project since at least 1986, to judge by the date of the earliest interview cited, which ? and this is typical of the access they gained to many highly-placed and interesting people ? was with Milovan Djilas. They have visited remote battle sites of the Long March, Mao?s cave in Yan?an, ?over two dozen? of Mao?s secret private villas around the country, the Russian presidential and foreign ministry archives, and other archives in Albania, Bulgaria, London and Washington DC. They even tried ? and failed ? to get access to the Chinese war memorial in Pyongyang.

The book cites by name 363 interviewees in 38 countries, including two former US presidents; Lee Kuan Yew, the first prime minister of Singapore; the Congolese dictator Mobutu Sese Seko; the Mao aide and later Chinese head of state Yang Shangkun; a former Japanese cabinet secretary who confided that Mao escorted his prime minister to the lavatory in Zhongnanhai; Mao?s daughter and grandsons; and the Red Guard leader Kuai Dafu. Chang and Halliday also cite dozens of interviews with anonymous sources, including a laundry worker who describes the fine cotton used for Mao?s underwear in Yan?an; a pharmacist who allegedly prescribed lysol for one of Mao?s political rivals in the 1940s; Mao?s daughter?s nanny in Yan?an; staff at Mao?s villas; and ?multiple? Mao girlfriends. They have used about a thousand non-archival written sources, including published and unpublished works in Chinese, English, Russian, French and Italian. These include many that are unfamiliar to me and perhaps to many other specialists on Chinese Communist history and politics.

As their subtitle proclaims, in virtually every chapter Chang and Halliday have turned up ?unknown stories? of Mao. Some, if true, will be big news for historians. Mao amassed a private fortune during the Jiangxi Soviet period; his troops fought only one real battle during the Long March; their break-out from Nationalist military encirclement was deliberately allowed by Chiang Kai-shek; the most famous battle of the Long March never took place; Mao attacked India in 1962 with the support of the Soviet Union.

Other scoops have important implications for Mao?s character. He poisoned a rival during the Yan?an period. He would send his own soldiers to be massacred if it would help him to move up the ranks of the Party. He took pleasure in the slow, agonising death of Liu Shaoqi. We already knew that Mao was selfish and ruthless. Chang and Halliday add that he was a brutal, sadistic power-monger lacking in vision or ideals, comfort-loving and often lazy, riding the revolution to power to satisfy a lust for torture and sex.

It is hard to imagine a more panoramic subject in terms of time, geography and historical forces. Yet Chang and Halliday focus tightly on Mao. Around him we glimpse a Communist Party leadership of cowards and fools, either manipulated by Mao, as Zhou Enlai was, or killed by him. In the deeper background, we perceive a political-movement-turned-regime that engaged in fifty years of mass torture, killing and destruction for no good purpose, leaving its people impoverished and exhausted. Lost in the distance are the larger forces of history that some might think explain the violence and longevity of Mao?s regime: sociological or institutional explanations, or explanations based on China?s geostrategic position between two contending superpowers in the Cold War. Such theories would presumably be too impersonal for this intensely moralising work. They might seem to exculpate Mao by suggesting that he did not always intend the disasters he presided over.

That Mao?s story might still be to some extent unknown need not surprise us, given the secrecy that surrounds the Chinese archives, the regime?s tight control over historiography and propaganda, and Deng Xiaoping?s decision in 1981 to preserve the regime?s continuity by committing the Party to an official view of its former ruler as ?70 per cent right, 30 per cent wrong?. Mao (or something resembling Mao) remains embalmed in the heart of Tiananmen Square, and his image remains branded on the official heart of the Party. Deng?s decision influences all officially sanctioned writing on the former dictator, and that means everything openly published on Mao in China. Few historians outside China in recent decades have clung to the older romantic image of Mao as a sage, visionary and humanist, but Chang and Halliday?s Mao is a revelation even for today?s demystified historiography.

There are problems, however: many of their discoveries come from sources that cannot be checked, others are openly speculative or are based on circumstantial evidence, and some are untrue.

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