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Re: [Marxism] David Harvey's new book "NeoLiberalism"



Hi everyone,

I took notes at yesterday's panel. It may be interesting for other folks. Sorry if there are misspellings (how does one spell "bandung"?).

Leo Pavitch: Talked about class power in the process of creating US hegemony. Best chapters are on the neoliberal state and China.*** American hegemony underscored by finances? Thinks that US is not declining in financial wealth. Volume of US exports has grown but deficit is because of mass influx of imports. Harvey argues in the end of the book that it’s the collapse of the US hegemony – is simply wrong. Thinks the opposite is true. Because of the degree of integration of the world bourgeoisie with neoliberalism, i.e. disagreements over Iraq were covered when UK and France supported the occupation after the fact in the UN. Social Democracy provided real reforms after the war, but extremely compromised in its alliance with capitalism. Allowed multinational corp. to grow. Allowed new class actors to enter. The Social Democratic movement stressed PLANNING over democracy, was bureaucratic. The New Left who challenged the old Social Democracy was kept isolated and away, not allowed to reinvigorate the institutions for class power. There are limits to class power and working class politics. Not enough to look towards a new Social Democracy.

Katherine V.: 1) The state, and 2) Ethnography
1) Thinking about the state – will coteach with David. The argument in the book presents that neoliberalism has its own state, it is an IT. Inconsistencies in practice with neoliberal theory, esp in Bush. Disaggregate the state into its functions, and looking for changing alliances among executors.
2) Ethnography – Where’s the ethnography? But the book provides a possible frame for possible ethnography. Her book “The Vanishing Hectare,” is one such ethnography.
p. 144 – Restore class power in China, urbanization movement. But proletarianization of migrants is not a new form of class organization. They remain embedded in the family back home, which affect their proletarian consciousness. Address “false consciousness.”
p. 139 – China’s economic growth and dramatic pace, the demand for scrap metal in China raised prices all over the world. Through what networks does iron flow out to China, from iron stripped from public space in Eastern Europe. Juana Mattias has done ethnographies on scrap metal, scrap metal mafia steals metal from signs, etc. “Scrap iron rush” – commoditization from below. Is it possible to ask China’s rapid rise to scrap metal mafia in Romania? Or the new rich in Romania based on stealing scrap metal.

Doug Henwood: Neoliberalism useful to describe the capital shift in the 1970s and 80s. But danger in that world, same as with globalization, is exaggerating the break and the discontinuity. Also known as imperialism and empire. But all of these concepts have been with us for some time. There was a break in the 70s, a class war from above, the fiscal crisis of the 1970s was a broader dress rehearsal for the broader neoliberal project. If NYC can offer reduced social services without resistance, then we can “scale up” the strategy a few years later. An increase in crime comes with neoliberal restructuring. This was true in the early years, but crime has been falling ever since. Which has opened neighborhoods for gentrification. Harvey calls for a New New Deal, the original one happened because the US economy collapsed and had the USSR as a model. But now, capital is triumphant, and we are unable to imagine a new deal. We cannot hope for a reformist agenda from 70 years ago. Thatcher was trying to change the soul. But her soul transformation has succeeded, that’s why we can’t articulate the alternative. U.S. debt owned by Chinese banks – is not predicting a large economic crisis. Bush regime more concerned with military power and not economic and financial power. Doesn’t think that neoliberalism will die of its own contradictions, but the left doesn’t have the tools to that.

Giovanni Arrighi: “Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System” with Beverley Silver. 1) Agree with Doug, David deals with globalization in the footnote, saying that the literature is too vast. But neolib and glob are KINDRED TERMS, and equally confusing. Neoliberal ideology by Hayek and Friedman, Chicago Boys. Then, the practices of neoliberalism carried out under the cover of neolib ideology. But often in sharp contrast to the theories themselves, both Reagan and Bush Jr. have been ultra-Keynesians. Voluntary export restraints have only emerged in the 1970s and 80s, restraining themselves in exporting “voluntarily,” actually a lot of arm twisting. The practice is at variance with the ideology. Then, practices not carried out under neolib, but under other ideologies, include export industrialization. A practice under diverse ideologies, include market socialism and developmentalism. But, what opens economies and market mech has nothing to do with neolib ideology. There is a long imperial tradition of rule through the market in CHINA. Has nothing to do with neolib. Problem when discussing the origins of neolib. Agrees with David’s central thesis, not as Leo said, not a mistaken idea or utopia, but it was a power project. A project of restoration/creation of an elite class power. Not just Russia and China where new capitalist classes are emerging. We cannot ignore that there has been a bourgeoisie creation all over the place. The danger of using summary indicators of inequality. A lot of neolib ideology was not about restoring the power of classes, but also NEW CLASSES emerging and trying to be accommodated in the elite ruling classes. In the 1970s and 80s, intensification of competition and financialization, this context and moment of volatility, also a time of struggles that are class struggles and COMPETITIVE POWER STRUGGLES, not just class power struggles. Agrees kinda with Leo. There was not just a class challenge: question of putting the Third World and global south in its place. You cant disentangle the two, a RESTORATION OF CLASS at home, and A RESTOATION OF U.S. AND WESTERN POWER IN THE WORLD AT LARGE. In the Anglo Saxon world, US and UK, were well positioned into exploiting the tendencies towards financialization, for restoring class power, and restoring northern power in the world at large. The neolib turn, or counter-revolution of 1970s, was these two things.

Important in assessing how successful neolib has been: if just focus on class power WITHIN nations, the first purpose of the counterrevolution, it has been successful. BUT, if you also look at the geopolitical product, geo* and global aspects of it, then not successful. U.S. hegemony in a Gramscian sense is dead. But, should look carefully at the north-south relation. It was tremendous in the short term, victory when Third World destroyed and Second World disappeared. The rise of Anglo saxon power in the 1980s and 90s. BUT, CLEARLY THIS IS OVER. Inequality and relocation of industrial capabilities from NORTH to SOUTH. The beginning (Brazil, S. Africa, India, China) of A NEW BANDUNG. (Like a Kondratieff cycle.)

The first bandung was an ideo project, no economic foundation and easily undermined. 1979-82. But in the meantime, extension of regional power of CHINA. The Third World has long been financing the north. But in tech, labor, capital – more in the south developing autonomously, linking closely with the north but creating south-south links. This is TRANSFORMING slowly, and behind how L. America the legitimacy of the US to est. the traditional relations are in total disarray. Or of US to set India vs China are not happening. Opening spaces for the south itself to create linkages, not a socialist revolution. But there is an issue of POWER. 2/3 of global inequality is BETWEEN countries, 1/3 is WITHIN.

Harvey: Doug mentioned Thatcher out to change the soul. We have to recognize that are all of us neoliberal. We take it as natural that flexibility and privatization is natural. The rights discourse is within the neoliberal frame. Damaging effect of neolib: environmental, etc. The prob isn’t simply Bush, the high point of neolib was Clinton. Nostalgia for Social Democracy and Roosevelt: not nostalgic for Roos. He did save capitalism. In 1935, sent a message to Congress about “undue private power.” If social forces were arranged around that, that would be crucial. He is scared about a COLLAPSE. The Economist had an overview of instability in the global economy a few months ago, we need to dramatize this. A serious kind of problem. Who’s benefiting from these crises? The rich always comes off well. Who really gets hurt are the poor. The ex is New Orleans. Not just saving capitalism from its own stupidity, but also the deprivation of what happened in Argentina or Indonesia. The 1997-98was close to bringing the whole pack of cards down.

“Spaces of Hope” – hope is memory that desires (Balzac)
Goes back to the memory of the Social Democrats, if you start from nothing then you won’t go so far. You have a rich past of struggle. We need to situate ourselves in this history, but doesn’t like nostalgia. Likes collective memory, one which was systematically erased since the 1960s and 70s. Neolib took the 1968 movement which was about liberty and justice, gave it liberty in consumer markets at the price of social justice.

Argentina – Don’t just blame the IMF, what about the internal elite that stole the money. Complicated class relationships.

We have absorbed a Thatcherite common sense.

Everyone talks about neolib in market terms, not class terms. The left has stopped talking about class. Class is more important than race, gender, identity, etc.

How do we mobilize a different kind of political desire?



On Nov 1, 2005, at 2:29 AM, acpollack2@xxxxxxxx wrote:

---------- Forwarded Message ----------
I am writing from the absolutely jam-packed reception at the CUNY Grad
Center on 5th Ave. & 34th St. in NYC for marxist geographer David
Harvey, his 70th birthday and celebration of his new (and excellent)
book, "Neo-Liberalism".


--
http://yvonneliu.com
vox: 646.321.5710
aim/skype: whyloo

"The philosophers have already interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it." -- Karl Marx, 1845, Theses On Feuerbach




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