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Re: [Marxism] David Harvey's new book "NeoLiberalism"
Hi everyone,
I took notes at yesterday's panel. It may be interesting for other
folks. Sorry if there are misspellings (how does one spell "bandung"?).
Leo Pavitch: Talked about class power in the process of creating US
hegemony. Best chapters are on the neoliberal state and China.***
American hegemony underscored by finances? Thinks that US is not
declining in financial wealth. Volume of US exports has grown but
deficit is because of mass influx of imports. Harvey argues in the
end of the book that it’s the collapse of the US hegemony – is simply
wrong. Thinks the opposite is true. Because of the degree of
integration of the world bourgeoisie with neoliberalism, i.e.
disagreements over Iraq were covered when UK and France supported the
occupation after the fact in the UN. Social Democracy provided real
reforms after the war, but extremely compromised in its alliance with
capitalism. Allowed multinational corp. to grow. Allowed new class
actors to enter. The Social Democratic movement stressed PLANNING
over democracy, was bureaucratic. The New Left who challenged the
old Social Democracy was kept isolated and away, not allowed to
reinvigorate the institutions for class power. There are limits to
class power and working class politics. Not enough to look towards a
new Social Democracy.
Katherine V.: 1) The state, and 2) Ethnography
1) Thinking about the state – will coteach with David. The argument
in the book presents that neoliberalism has its own state, it is an
IT. Inconsistencies in practice with neoliberal theory, esp in
Bush. Disaggregate the state into its functions, and looking for
changing alliances among executors.
2) Ethnography – Where’s the ethnography? But the book provides a
possible frame for possible ethnography. Her book “The Vanishing
Hectare,” is one such ethnography.
p. 144 – Restore class power in China, urbanization movement. But
proletarianization of migrants is not a new form of class
organization. They remain embedded in the family back home, which
affect their proletarian consciousness. Address “false consciousness.”
p. 139 – China’s economic growth and dramatic pace, the demand for
scrap metal in China raised prices all over the world. Through what
networks does iron flow out to China, from iron stripped from public
space in Eastern Europe. Juana Mattias has done ethnographies on
scrap metal, scrap metal mafia steals metal from signs, etc. “Scrap
iron rush” – commoditization from below. Is it possible to ask
China’s rapid rise to scrap metal mafia in Romania? Or the new rich
in Romania based on stealing scrap metal.
Doug Henwood: Neoliberalism useful to describe the capital shift in
the 1970s and 80s. But danger in that world, same as with
globalization, is exaggerating the break and the discontinuity. Also
known as imperialism and empire. But all of these concepts have been
with us for some time. There was a break in the 70s, a class war
from above, the fiscal crisis of the 1970s was a broader dress
rehearsal for the broader neoliberal project. If NYC can offer
reduced social services without resistance, then we can “scale up”
the strategy a few years later. An increase in crime comes with
neoliberal restructuring. This was true in the early years, but
crime has been falling ever since. Which has opened neighborhoods
for gentrification. Harvey calls for a New New Deal, the original
one happened because the US economy collapsed and had the USSR as a
model. But now, capital is triumphant, and we are unable to imagine
a new deal. We cannot hope for a reformist agenda from 70 years
ago. Thatcher was trying to change the soul. But her soul
transformation has succeeded, that’s why we can’t articulate the
alternative. U.S. debt owned by Chinese banks – is not predicting a
large economic crisis. Bush regime more concerned with military
power and not economic and financial power. Doesn’t think that
neoliberalism will die of its own contradictions, but the left
doesn’t have the tools to that.
Giovanni Arrighi: “Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System”
with Beverley Silver. 1) Agree with Doug, David deals with
globalization in the footnote, saying that the literature is too
vast. But neolib and glob are KINDRED TERMS, and equally confusing.
Neoliberal ideology by Hayek and Friedman, Chicago Boys. Then, the
practices of neoliberalism carried out under the cover of neolib
ideology. But often in sharp contrast to the theories themselves,
both Reagan and Bush Jr. have been ultra-Keynesians. Voluntary
export restraints have only emerged in the 1970s and 80s, restraining
themselves in exporting “voluntarily,” actually a lot of arm
twisting. The practice is at variance with the ideology. Then,
practices not carried out under neolib, but under other ideologies,
include export industrialization. A practice under diverse
ideologies, include market socialism and developmentalism. But, what
opens economies and market mech has nothing to do with neolib
ideology. There is a long imperial tradition of rule through the
market in CHINA. Has nothing to do with neolib. Problem when
discussing the origins of neolib. Agrees with David’s central
thesis, not as Leo said, not a mistaken idea or utopia, but it was a
power project. A project of restoration/creation of an elite class
power. Not just Russia and China where new capitalist classes are
emerging. We cannot ignore that there has been a bourgeoisie
creation all over the place. The danger of using summary indicators
of inequality. A lot of neolib ideology was not about restoring the
power of classes, but also NEW CLASSES emerging and trying to be
accommodated in the elite ruling classes. In the 1970s and 80s,
intensification of competition and financialization, this context and
moment of volatility, also a time of struggles that are class
struggles and COMPETITIVE POWER STRUGGLES, not just class power
struggles. Agrees kinda with Leo. There was not just a class
challenge: question of putting the Third World and global south in
its place. You cant disentangle the two, a RESTORATION OF CLASS at
home, and A RESTOATION OF U.S. AND WESTERN POWER IN THE WORLD AT
LARGE. In the Anglo Saxon world, US and UK, were well positioned
into exploiting the tendencies towards financialization, for
restoring class power, and restoring northern power in the world at
large. The neolib turn, or counter-revolution of 1970s, was these
two things.
Important in assessing how successful neolib has been: if just focus
on class power WITHIN nations, the first purpose of the
counterrevolution, it has been successful. BUT, if you also look at
the geopolitical product, geo* and global aspects of it, then not
successful. U.S. hegemony in a Gramscian sense is dead. But, should
look carefully at the north-south relation. It was tremendous in the
short term, victory when Third World destroyed and Second World
disappeared. The rise of Anglo saxon power in the 1980s and 90s.
BUT, CLEARLY THIS IS OVER. Inequality and relocation of industrial
capabilities from NORTH to SOUTH. The beginning (Brazil, S. Africa,
India, China) of A NEW BANDUNG. (Like a Kondratieff cycle.)
The first bandung was an ideo project, no economic foundation and
easily undermined. 1979-82. But in the meantime, extension of
regional power of CHINA. The Third World has long been financing the
north. But in tech, labor, capital – more in the south developing
autonomously, linking closely with the north but creating south-south
links. This is TRANSFORMING slowly, and behind how L. America the
legitimacy of the US to est. the traditional relations are in total
disarray. Or of US to set India vs China are not happening. Opening
spaces for the south itself to create linkages, not a socialist
revolution. But there is an issue of POWER. 2/3 of global
inequality is BETWEEN countries, 1/3 is WITHIN.
Harvey: Doug mentioned Thatcher out to change the soul. We have to
recognize that are all of us neoliberal. We take it as natural that
flexibility and privatization is natural. The rights discourse is
within the neoliberal frame. Damaging effect of neolib:
environmental, etc. The prob isn’t simply Bush, the high point of
neolib was Clinton. Nostalgia for Social Democracy and Roosevelt:
not nostalgic for Roos. He did save capitalism. In 1935, sent a
message to Congress about “undue private power.” If social forces
were arranged around that, that would be crucial. He is scared about
a COLLAPSE. The Economist had an overview of instability in the
global economy a few months ago, we need to dramatize this. A
serious kind of problem. Who’s benefiting from these crises? The
rich always comes off well. Who really gets hurt are the poor. The
ex is New Orleans. Not just saving capitalism from its own
stupidity, but also the deprivation of what happened in Argentina or
Indonesia. The 1997-98was close to bringing the whole pack of cards
down.
“Spaces of Hope” – hope is memory that desires (Balzac)
Goes back to the memory of the Social Democrats, if you start from
nothing then you won’t go so far. You have a rich past of struggle.
We need to situate ourselves in this history, but doesn’t like
nostalgia. Likes collective memory, one which was systematically
erased since the 1960s and 70s. Neolib took the 1968 movement which
was about liberty and justice, gave it liberty in consumer markets at
the price of social justice.
Argentina – Don’t just blame the IMF, what about the internal elite
that stole the money. Complicated class relationships.
We have absorbed a Thatcherite common sense.
Everyone talks about neolib in market terms, not class terms. The
left has stopped talking about class. Class is more important than
race, gender, identity, etc.
How do we mobilize a different kind of political desire?
On Nov 1, 2005, at 2:29 AM, acpollack2@xxxxxxxx wrote:
---------- Forwarded Message ----------
I am writing from the absolutely jam-packed reception at the CUNY Grad
Center on 5th Ave. & 34th St. in NYC for marxist geographer David
Harvey, his 70th birthday and celebration of his new (and excellent)
book, "Neo-Liberalism".
--
http://yvonneliu.com
vox: 646.321.5710
aim/skype: whyloo
"The philosophers have already interpreted the world, in various
ways; the point is to change it." -- Karl Marx, 1845, Theses On
Feuerbach
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