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[Marxism] organising from below in Venezuela
One of the latest in a series of fine articles by
Fred Fuentes for Green Left Weekly.
VENEZUELA: Communities organising through communal councils
Federico Fuentes, Caracas
While much of the nation?s attention is focussed
on the December 4 National Assembly elections,
another set of important elections are scheduled
to take place during November in the municipality
of Sucre. Here it is hoped that up to 300
community governments will be elected for the
first time as part of a pilot project that is set
to spread across the country to make concrete the
idea of giving power to the people.
The election of Hugo Chavez to the presidency of
Venezuela in 1998 signalled the end of the old
corrupt representative democracy of the ?Fourth
Republic?, in which the two major parties each
representing the interests of the rich elites
shared power between themselves, while the poor
80% were excluded. From its ashes rose the Fifth
Republic based on the idea of active and
participatory democracy, which was enshrined in
the new constitution one year later, following a
popular consultation and referendum. The aim was
not only that the poor were to be given access to
health, education and basic services, but they
would play an active role in deciding how these areas would function.
There was a rise in health committees, which
worked side by side with Cuban doctors in Mission
Barrio Adentro, taking health care into the
poorest barrios of Venezuela. Local neighbourhood
groups, Urban Land Committees, gas and
electricity work-tables, water work-tables and
many more forms of community organisation sprang
up, each attempting, with help from the
government, to change the lives of the excluded.
While these organisations continue to exist, many
of the participants have encountered problems,
including difficulties working with some of the
bureaucratic structures inherited from the Fourth
Republic. Many people from the old structures
have continued to work in the administrations,
hindering the work of the community. Some state
institutions worked in a counterproductive way in
the establishment of these community
organisations, with party politics influencing
who received funds or was given official
recognition. This seems to have been particularly
the case with a number of the Local Councils for
Public Planning (CLPPs), which although meant to
allow the organised communities to participate
side by side with the municipal councils, were
manipulated by parties to only give
representation to fellow party members, turning
them into rubber stamps for the municipal council.
The explosion in community organisation meant
that in any one community, multiple organisations
are found, each working away on their own
projects, sometimes competing for resources and
weakening their combined ability to tackle some
of the problems inherited by taking over the old bureaucratic structures.
Problems have also arisen from the old practices
and culture that are still dominate within the
communities. For example, it is not uncommon for
community members who for decades have been told
that all of Venezuela?s problems can be solved by
simply distributing petrodollars, to hand over a
project to an institution and just wait for the
job to be done, in many cases being disappointed
and disillusioned with the outcome.
In order to tackle some of these issues, a group
of long-time revolutionaries from the 1970s, some
of whom are now active within Chavez?s party the
MVR (Movement for a Fifth Republic) and others in
the Bolivarian Circles, began to work on the idea
of community governments in the municipality of
Sucre. One of these revolutionaries, Freddy Gil,
who now works in the office of the mayor of
Sucre, spoke to Green Left Weekly about this
project, which the Ministry of Popular
Participation and Social Development (MINPADES) hopes to extend the country.
The idea was that in a smaller space it is easier
for people to exercise their power, and by
bringing all the people and different
organisations present in the community together,
they could work out a single plan for their
community, tackling issues from public works to
health and education. The concept already had a
legal basis established in the law regarding CLPPs.
Gil explained that there was some resistance to
the name community government, as some were
scared of the implications calling them that. At
the national level they are being referred to as
communal councils. Yet what is important, Gil
said, is that the project of building the new
society is starting from the grassroots upwards
to avoid some of the problems that up to now have occurred with the CLPPs.
A pamphlet on the communal councils produced by
MINPADES explains this idea by noting that ?just
as a house can collapse easily if its base is not
sufficiently strong, this can also happen to our
new democracy that we are constructing: it will
only be invincible if its base is strong and its
base is the communal councils?.
The way the communal councils are being set up is
that an assembly is called by convoking 200 to
400 families in a local community. ?We count the
houses, the number of families that were in a
determined community, a set geographical space, a
commune that we said had to have certain
characteristics like use of common services,
traditions, common culture that identified them.
?Once it is determined that in this area it is
possible to form a community government then we
would go with an invitation calling on all of the
community, taken to each house independent of
their ideology or political ideas. It would be
taken to them with the name of the community
saying that this was from the directors and
assistants of the mayor?s office. There we would
guarantee that everyone was invited to attend.
?There would be an assembly where a talk was
given about what we understood the community
governments to be. They would be asked to choose
20 people to form the promotion team for the
comunity government. This team was made up of
those people who put themselves forward at the
assemblies, which the majority of the times had
200 people, 80, 70, 50 up to 300 people in attendance.?
I went to a meeting with 50 people in attendance,
representing the same amount of families. Twenty
people stepped forward as social promoters, the
majority of them women, as was the case with the
overall attendance. Because of the geographical
nature of the communal councils and its proximity
to family homes, the participation of women is
made easier and women tend to play the biggest role.
The promotion teams are entrusted with the job of
carrying out a census of the population to find
out exactly who lives in the area and what their
specific problems are. Within three to six
months, this work is expected to be carried out
by door knocking every house in the community.
This time frame is important to make everyone
aware of the communal council and to notify them
of elections. Thirteen members of the communal
council will be elected, each with a designated
role such as education, culture, science and
technology; or citizen and community security.
Gil explained that such a measure helped to
ensure the full participation of the community
and to ensure no party or organisation could self
declare themselves a communal council without the
knowledge of the community. Unfortunately in the
rush by some mayors and councillors to prove
their credentials in establishing the most
communal councils in their respective areas, some
have neglected this aspect of its formation.
For radical Latin American journalist Marta
Harnecker, who is working with MINPADES on the
promotion of the communal councils, broad
participation in this project is a very important
of the revolutionary process in Venezuela. She
explained to Green Left Weekly that
?participation will help consolidate this process
at the grassroots, take it forward and broaden
it, creating more forces in favour of the process?.
?Participation needs to be a lot broader?. Many
people who may not yet be in support of the
process due to the ?politicking and the defects
of the process ... could be won to the
construction of a new humanist society? based on
solidarity. ?There are many people who are not
Chavistas but would help construct this new
society. It needs to be opened up to all those people.?
Harnecker said it would be a ?grave mistake to
politicise participation. Participation itself
can politicise people, for instance in the case
of the participatory budget in Porto Alegre [in
Brazil] where people from other parties were
involved, but who began to sympathise with the
Worker?s Party after they participated in a
process that wasn?t politicised. I believe that
is the road to win people over to this project.?
The next stage will involve the community in
discussing the problems they face and how to
tackle them. Harnecker explained: ?With the idea
of a participatory diagnosis, it is important to
first look at prioritising problems that the
community can resolve itself, firstly because
there is a habit in general of people who
organise themselves to propose a project in order
to get money. They are able to formulate a
project, but then they are left waiting for the
money ... they are left with there arms crossed
waiting for a response, and because the response
is slow, if it comes at all, that is where apathy will appear.
?Instead, if you organise yourself to see what
the community can resolve, it can be much more
successful, because they can resolve many things
with the resources they have in the community.?
That is why citizen?s assemblies are given the
clear role of decision making, while the communal
councils are meant to work on executing the
projects of the community at each stage,
involving the community in carrying out and supervising the jobs.
Gil explained, ?The country has economically
advanced, it has some resources, but the social
debt here is so big that many of the problems
won?t be fixed in a budget ... we need to work in
the communities to help create cooperatives and
the nucleus of endogenous [national] development
that can allow employment and enable many things
to occur. This will come about as we get more
organised in this and we know more about the
community through the creation of the communal
councils and learn more about the latent potential in each community.?
Discussing, debating, executing and supervising
projects that tackle the entirety of the problems
faced at the local level would give the
communities real power. Not all problems would be
able to be fixed in the first round, and some
projects of a bigger nature would need to be
taken to higher authorities, but with a solid
organisational base the communities could make
sure that more and more power would reside there
and not in the old structures.
Gil commented that for him the communal councils
?are a school where people learn and take up the
idea that they can socialise their potential,
that they can generate the well-being of all and
of course community advances, learning what we
would need for a bigger system, because this is a
micro system ... If we all learn in this
collective exercise about the socialisation of
things, of course we are going to advance further
in the socialisation of what is much bigger.
?Of course, when some of us ?revolutionaries?
reach [positions in government], we begin to work
a lot like the Fourth Republic. So when the
people learn about their rights and put forward
projects to tackle their necessities, taking them
through the regular channels and demanding
respect, the people in power, the governors,
mayors ... will begin disappearing ... But we
know that, accustomed to old vices, they will try
to escape, but they will find themselves confronted with the people.
?Here, anyone who wants to be governor or mayor
to serve the public will need to really serve the
public ... they will not be able to give out
resources to where they want to benefit their
votes. It will be nice for this to happen because
the people have become organised, active and with
the article in the constitution that refers to
referendums, if the governor doesn?t get to work,
well, how easy is it for the organised community
to collect signatures ... This will be a very
important mechanism of control, it will be an
education for the leaders and managers, if they
want to really serve the people, and it will be
good for the people because it will be them who
decide what fundamental projects need to be
carried out first and which afterwards.?
?We used to talk about socialism?, said Gil, ?of
taking power from the enemy through arms, but
where the people did not exercise anything. Today
we have political power, we have a president that
calls for a debate on ?socialism of the 21st
century? and we have a whole community debating,
discussing and experimenting with what is the
socialisation of things, of their potentials and resources.?
From Green Left Weekly, November 2, 2005.
Visit the <http://www.greenleft.org.au/>Green Left Weekly home page.
Michael A. Lebowitz
Professor Emeritus
Economics Department
Simon Fraser University
Burnaby, B.C., Canada V5A 1S6
Currently based in Venezuela. Can be reached at
Residencias Anauco Suites
Departamento 601
Parque Central, Zona Postal 1010, Oficina 1
Caracas, Venezuela
(58-212) 573-4111
fax: (58-212) 573-7724
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