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[Marxism] When Proportional Representation got communists on NY City Council



Communism, Race, and the Defeat of Proportional Representation
in Cold War America

New York City brought the most stunning victory. The city's Board of Aldermen had long been regarded as a particularly outrageous example of the problems of single-member districts. To counter Tammany's advantage, reformers looked to PR. At the least, PR would provide a vigorous minority in the city's legislature; but even more hopefully, PR might provide the means for Tammany's divided opposition to come together in a new reform majority, as reformers had in the 1920s in Cincinnati against the Republican machine there. In 1936 voters approved PR by a large margin.
. . .
In New York City, Tammany's effort to repeal PR in 1940 failed by more than 200,000 votes. In Yonkers in 1942, Republicans and Democrats alike attempted to red-bait the issue. Voters rebuffed their crude appeals by a 2 to 1 margin. Two years later, Hamilton, Ohio, voters rejected a fourth repeal attempt in that city. In 1945, Toledo did as well, by a substantial margin. During the war new gains were made, too. Lowell, Massachusetts, became the second city in that state to adopt PR, in 1942, and the Long Island, New York, community of Long Beach did so the year after.

In New York, Tammany leaders tried to use Communist Peter Cacchione's 1941 election from Brooklyn to discredit PR, but failed. Cacchione's new colleagues on the council defended his election. Two years later Cacchione led all candidates in Brooklyn, and was joined as a Communist on the council by Benjamin Davis (an African- American) from Manhattan. PR supporters continued to defend the voters' judgment. Hallett emphasized Davis's education at Amherst College and Harvard Law and his role as "spokesman for the special needs of the Negro community." He also pointed to Cacchione's creditable record in the Council. Significantly, over the course of three elections which brought Communists to office, efforts to repeal PR gathered little support.
. . .
In Massachusetts, attempts to repeal state authorization for the use of PR made little headway. In 1947, four more Massachusetts cities—Worcester, Quincy, Medford, and Revere—joined Cambridge and Lowell in adopting PR. . . . The campaign failed to excite anxieties about Communism; PR's margin among the voters increased significantly from the previous two repeal attempts.

In New York City in 1947 the result was very different. There, the Tammany campaign against PR finally succeeded. One issue stood out above all others—the election of Communists and other leftists. The five Democratic county leaders met and "decided unanimously to go all out for repeal"; in Queens the Democratic party distributed "thousands of cards" describing PR as "an un-American practice which has helped the cause of communism and does not belong to the American way of life." The director of Tammany's Manhattan repeal campaign directly linked PR to Soviet Communism: "There must be some reason why all Russian-dominated countries are so fond of the PR system of voting. There must be a reason why Molotov demanded its use in all German elections. It has saved the Communists of Western Europe from extinction and tends to do away with any government faintly resembling the two-party system.... This political importation from the Kremlin has had a ten- year trial and has failed miserably...." The linkage of PR to the Soviet threat stood at the center of an official resolution from the Tammany executive committee, as well:

Whereas, the Communists of nine nations have revived the Comintern to fight the United States, and

Whereas, the Proportional Representation method of election is the first beachhead of Communist infiltration in this country with two Communist members already in the City Council, ....

Therefore be it resolved, that we, the Executive Committee of the Democratic organization of the County of New York, do hereby condemn the PR method of electing Councilmen as being a foreign importation designed to weaken the American structure of government, and

Be it further resolved, that we will do all in our power to inform the electorate of New York County that in the interest of restoring the American system of majority rule and democratic government no effort will be spared to throw out this Stalin Frankenstein known as PR on Election Day, Nov. 4, 1947.
. . .
The problem which confronted PR proponents in Cold War America was more fundamental than the election of Communists; it was the more intractable division of American society by race and ethnicity. A subordinate issue in New York in 1947, it formed the primary lines of division in Cincinnati ten years later and in Worcester in 1960, both cities where the threat of radicalism was negligible. While PR proponents had always vigorously championed the utility of the representation of minority opinion, they were less enthusiastic about racial, ethnic, or religious group representation. They never denied the reality that voters made judgments on such grounds, and never denied their right to do so. But they were not interested in encouraging voting by racial preference, and went to some pains to demonstrate that under PR, such divisions played no greater a role that they did in districting. Many hoped that PR would obviate such voting behavior: after the first PR election in Lowell, Massachusetts, for example, an enthusiastic PR supporter happily reported that, "The voters ignored those old and odorous red herrings of race and religion, too, and proved that when given the chance they vote on the only real issue—fitness for office."

http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/polit/damy/articles/kolesar.htm

from Brian Shannon


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