[Marxism] The Militant on "beheadings" and the "Baathists"

[Brian Shannon <Brian_Shannon@xxxxxxxxxxx>]

Marxists in Iraq would undoubtedly conduct many aspects of their 
struggle differently from some of the methods used by the Iraq 
insurgents.

However, Marxists in other countries, particularly imperialist 
countries, have an entirely different role to play. Their major public 
task is to counteract imperialist propaganda, to give an analysis of 
the class forces involved and to explain to readers who may see only 
war, anger, violence, and oppression on both sides.

When a dictator in a colonial or semi-colonial country resists, or is 
forced to resist, the economic, social, and military offensive by an 
imperialist country, the task of the Marxists is to explain that 
between the dictatorship of capitalism and the dictatorship of an 
oppressed country, one must side with the oppressed nation, despite its 
leadership.

And in Iraq, even if The Militant is correct is its assertion that the 
insurgency is being lead by Baathists who represent the Sunni minority, 
it is its duty to defend this segment of the Iraq people against U.S. 
and British imperialism. Even if it is a "factual issue" (Steve 
Gabosch) as to who and how many are fighting against the occupation, it 
is not at all a "factual issue" regarding the political responsibility 
of an organization devoted to the emancipation of the working masses, 
particularly an organization that bases its Marxist outlook on the 
heritage of Lenin and Trotsky.

The political line is clear. Here are two quotes from Trotsky on 
Italy's imperialist venture in Ethiopia. BTW, it would be hard to come 
up with a more reactionary and despotic figure than Emperor Haile 
Salassie:

"Of course, we are for the defeat of Italy and the victory of 
Ethiopia.... When war is involved, for us it is not a question of who 
is “better”, the Negus or Mussolini; rather, it is a question of the 
relationship of classes and the fight of an underdeveloped nation for 
independence against imperialism." – July 17, 1935

"The victory of the Negus ... would mean a mighty blow not only at 
Italian imperialism but at imperialism as a whole, and would lend a 
powerful impulsion to the rebellious forces of the oppressed peoples. 
One must really be completely blind not to see this." – April 22, 1936

It is not so long ago that The Militant took an entirely different 
line. The article below shows why some recent escapees from the 
American Socialist Workers Party are particularly exercised over its 
recent politics. Despite internal disquiet over its methods and its 
trimming of some basic tenets, even after leaving or being forced out, 
many former members bit their tongue. However, to cross the line, as it 
has in Iraq, despite the rich heritage of Lenin and Trotsky, makes us 
all wonder how much lower will it go?

Take a look at this article by Naomi Craine in the April 1, 1996 issue 
of The Militant. She had been on the paper's staff since 1992. Right 
after the article was written she became the editor, and she held this 
position until 2000. She now writes from Los Angeles. Almost every 
"line" is a condemnation of the present "line" of The Militant.

______________

Stand With The Fighting Irish

BY NAOMI CRAINE

Shouldn't the Militant take a stand criticizing the Irish Republican 
Army (IRA) for the February 9 bombing at Canary Wharf in London? Wasn't 
that act a setback for the fight for Irish self-determination? That's 
what a couple of readers suggested in last week's "Letters" column. Our 
answer is unequivocally no.

Roy Inglee, from Wilmington, Delaware, wrote a letter that gave many 
useful facts explaining why British prime minister John Major's 
government is entirely to blame for the breakdown of peace talks. At 
the same time, he commented, "I personally think that the resumption of 
armed actions is going to set back the mass struggle in Northern 
Ireland."

In his letter, Gary Cohen of Arlington, Massachusetts, said that while 
a February 26 Militant editorial "correctly targets British imperialism 
as the prime obstacle to the aspirations of the Irish people," the 
Militant should have offered a "critique of the tactic of individual 
terrorism as a means to enhance the struggle against national 
oppression.... Perhaps a review of Trotsky's `Against Individual 
Terrorism' would be helpful."

The Irish freedom struggle is the biggest powder keg confronting the 
rulers of the United Kingdom, whose decline as an imperialist power is 
continuing under the depression conditions facing world capitalism 
today. Faced with unbreakable resistance by the Irish toilers to 
national oppression and discrimination, London - which has dominated 
Ireland for centuries and directly occupied the northern part of the 
country for the last 25 years - has been forced since the summer of 
1994 to seek a new arrangement in its oldest colony.

Following an Aug. 31, 1994, cease-fire by the IRA and moves toward 
talks between London and Dublin, workers, farmers, and youth from the 
Catholic population in the north of Ireland stepped into the political 
space opened up. They pressed demands for a complete withdrawal of the 
British occupation forces, the lifting of all repressive legislation 
and release of political prisoners, and affirmative-action measures to 
redress the caste-like discrimination they face in all aspects of 
social and political life.

A `shot across the bow'
The policy of the Tory government in Britain, with the loyal support of 
the Labour Party , has been to stall as much as possible. While 
refusing to free hundreds of republican political prisoners, London 
released and then promoted Lee Clegg, the only British soldier ever 
jailed for killing an Irish civilian. While martial law conditions 
eased in the north, more than 16,000 British troops remained there - 
that is more than one for every 100 residents. With the passage of 
time, this dragging of the British crown's feet, if unanswered, would 
indeed have marked a setback.

On February 9, the IRA responded with what the Militant described as a 
"shot across the bow" and "a rude reminder" to Major that there had 
been a cease-fire, not a surrender. Irish republicans accurately 
assessed that the British government was stalling out of weakness, not 
strength. In the following weeks, not only was London unable to whip up 
anti-Irish hysteria, but Westminister dropped its demand that the IRA 
"decommission" its weapons before all-party talks, and set a June 10 
date for negotiations that could include Sinn Fein.

Like the independence struggle of the Quebecois in Canada and the 
Palestinians continued resistance to the Zionist state in Israel, the 
struggle for a free and united Ireland is in the interests of the 
working class. It strikes a blow against the imperialist rulers and 
opens the door to working-class unity, in face of national and 
religious divisions generated and perpetuated by the British rulers. 
It's when the Irish stop fighting that the working class - both in 
Ireland and in Britain - will be in trouble.

The capitalist press and politicians are trying to whip up an 
"antiterrorist" campaign against Palestinian fighters in the Middle 
East, the IRA, and other national liberation struggles. We refuse to 
join the chorus. We do suggest readers pick up Marxism and Terrorism, 
as the new edition of the pamphlet by Leon Trotsky that Cohen refers to 
is titled. Among other things, the selections in the pamphlet, 
published by Pathfinder Press, give a wonderful example of the tone 
communists need to take when the big-business media and most forces on 
the "left" are screaming about "terrorism."

The article "For Grynszpan: Against the Fascist Pogrom Gangs and 
Stalinist Scoundrels" takes up the case of Herschel Grynszpan, a young 
rebel who assassinated a Nazi official in the German Embassy in Paris 
in November 1938.

"A single isolated hero cannot replace the masses," Trotsky wrote. "But 
we understand only too clearly the inevitability of such convulsive 
acts of despair and vengeance.... We are bound, naturally, by ties of 
open moral solidarity to Grynszpan and not to his `democratic jailers.' 
"

Trotsky continued, "People come cheap who are capable only of 
fulminating against injustice and bestiality. But those who, like 
Grynszpan, are able to act as well as conceive, sacrificing their own 
lives if need be, are the precious leaven of mankind." He urged other 
young fighters to join the revolutionary communist movement as a 
"different and more effective outlet" for their energies.

Malcolm X responded similarly in May 1964 to lurid stories in New 
York's big-business press about a band of Black youth called the "Blood 
Brothers," allegedly organized to maim and kill whites. Malcolm said he 
first heard about the group while he was traveling in Nigeria. "It 
didn't make me sad at all," he said. "And I don't see why anybody 
should be sad or regretful in any way, shape or form." He explained how 
"the police in Harlem, their presence is like occupation forces.... 
[The police commissioner] is creating a situation that can lead to 
nothing but bloodshed." Under these conditions, Malcolm said, "you will 
find that there is a growing tendency among us, among our people, to do 
whatever is necessary to bring this to a halt.... I'm not here to 
apologize for the existence of any blood brothers."

Socialist workers need to explain to working people in the United 
Kingdom, the United States, and elsewhere how it is in their interests 
to support the fight for a free, united Ireland - not react by 
"offering a critique" to the tactics of Irish nationalists around 
Canary Wharf. We need to join the protests demanding freedom for Irish 
prisoners, calling for all- party talks, and demanding the removal of 
all British troops from Ireland. Taking an unconditional stand on the 
side of those fighting against national oppression, for national 
liberation, is a prerequisite to advancing the Irish freedom struggle 
and the interrelated task of winning workers and young rebels to 
building a communist movement.
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