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[Marxism] RE: A brief summary of my view on Blacks as a nation
Fred Feldman writes:
>Juriaan claims that no intelligent person can believe that Blacks are a
nation. Well, I can sure tell that he doesn't live in the United
States, where I don't think anyone -- not even David North or James
Robertson or their like -- could get that sentence out of their mouths.
It is just a bit too alien to the native grounds. <
This is more than a stretch. Both Robertson and North deny that American
blacks are a nation. Robertson, following the late underappreciated Trotskyist,
Dick Fraser, defines American blacks as a racially oppressed color-caste.
Fraser, despite lack of academic credentials did some of the more interesting
work
in the 1950s SWP on the 'black question.' His influence on grass roots civil
rights leaders was such that Fannie Lou Hammer and other members of the
Mississippi Freedom Delegation travelled to Seattle to confer with Fraser prior
to the
1964 DNC (after he'd left the SWP).
As I understand the Robertson/Fraser position blacks are a caste because they
are permanently segregated at the bottom of American society by race. But
caste status alone by no means suggests the requirements for nationhood, or its
corollary, self-determination. As a color-caste American blacks are an
especially oppressed section of a multiracial working class. While not
constituting a
separate oppressed nation, neither are they simply an ethnic fraction of the
proletariat like Italian or Russian Jewish immigrants, as the pre-WW1 Socialist
Party insisted. This is especially true today, when productive employment has
been decreasing, at least since 1975. In normal periods of cyclical swings in
the economy, as in the period of the postwar boom (1945-73), the black
population played the role of an industrial reserve army of the unemployed. But
in
the post-1980 deindustrializing US economy, the mass of American blacks have
been consigned to the rotting hellholes of the urban ghettoes. Or simply thrown
on the scrap heap of the prison-industrial complex by the racist War on Drugs.
The fact that a thin sliver manages to escape into the middle class, or that
Oprah is worth $20 billion, doesn't change this demographic, nor suggest that
black capitalism offers any solution for the black masses. Black Nationalism,
as Earl Ofari demonstrated in 'The Myth of Black Capitalism,' also requires at
least a nascent black bourgeoisie. No agglomeration of Bill Cosbys, Spike
Lees, Michael Jordans, and Oprah Winfreys could possibly constitute even the
embryo of a black capitalist class. They're entertainers, pure and simple.
Those
are the upscale roles circumscribed for blacks by American capitalism. The key
word here is segregated. The urban ghettoes are the result of long term
structural underemployment, bank lending practices like 'redlining' (refusing
to
grant housing mortgages to blacks outside a given radius), and political
decisions taken by municipal officials and judges like Garrity in the Boston
busing
case of the '70s to confine desegration to the central urban areas rather than
expanding it to the white suburbs. Martin Luther King ran head on into this de
facto segregation when he brought the Civil Rights movement north to
integrate housing in Chicago. He was given the run around by the Democratic
Party's
Daley machine, and got zero support from the same influentials in business and
finance who politically supported the struggle for formal bourgeois democratic
rights in the South.
This is not to say that black nationalism as a militant expression of
resistance to racial oppression can't play a very important role in specific
historical circumstances such as when Malcolm X counterposed it to
assimilationist
integrationism. But historical context is key. In the days of Malcolm and the
Panthers the demand for equality 'by any means necessary'', raised as an
extension of the victories against Jim Crow in the South, was generalized among
the
black urban masses of the US. Malcolm X had the prescience and analytical
capacity to eventually see that black equality in the US would take more than
either integration or nationalist separatism. As George Brietman's "Malcolm X:
Evolution of a Revolutionary" chronicled, by the time of his death Malcolm
realized that the achievement of black equality in the US would require a
revolutionary transformation in the economic base of the society along
socialist lines.
Conversely, in the post-1980 period the major nationalist leader, Louis
Farrakhan has been explicitly separatist and black capitalist. The last thing
Farakhan lead was the MMM (Million Man March), which though impressive in
numbers,
essentially had no program of struggle to offer other than urging black men to
be 'more responsible.'
This is the one area where I think 'sectarians' like the Sparts can be
helpful, at least in the area of theoretical analysis. Jurriaan's statement
that 'no
intelligent person can believe that American blacks are a nation' may strike
you as something that could only emanate from a 'non-American' source. But as
another list member said in this thread, the burden of proof at this point
lies with those who continue to assert axiomatically that the simple historical
breadth and the depth of black oppression in America constitutes nationality.
Similarly, the case for black nationhood would have to make a solid argument
that American blacks are not a specially oppressed part of an increasingly
multiracial American proletariat. I don't see analytically how one can have it
both
ways.
Ilyenkova
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