[Marxism] Soc. Voice: Venezuela, Najaf, and New York

["Fred Feldman" <ffeldman@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

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              S O C I A L I S T   V O I C E
 Debate and dialogue on issues before the workers movement

Number 13, September 3, 2004         www.socialistvoice.com
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Editors' Note: Our article on Canadian imperialism in Haiti
(Socialist Voice #11) was reprinted in three Canadian and
U.S. publications. Anthony Fenton, Canada's leading writer
on Haitian solidarity, tells Socialist Voice that SV 11 "is
getting some good circulation in Haiti solidarity circles
(and 'rightist' ones too)."

"In response to the August 6th broadcast of CBC's 'The
Current,' apparently DFAIT [Department of Foreign Affairs
and International Trade] was bombarded with calls about the
secret meeting Paradis hosted in January of 2003," he
continues. "Just today I got an e-mail from DFAIT denying
several things while maintaining their refusal to discuss
the human rights abuses. Story to follow in Znet.
(www.zmag.org)

"But I think that they are feeling some heat, especially
after the head of Canadian Forces in Haiti admitted that at
least 1,000 bodies were buried in a mass grave ... during a
well-attended media teleconference call, July 29, the same
one you mention in your article. Somehow the Toronto Star
writer neglected to mention this and other facts that were
revealed on the call. I've just gotten word that repression
has again reached levels resembling the immediate post-coup
period. Bodies are piling up fast in the morgue once again,
after violence had subsided somewhat."

VENEZUELA, NAJAF, AND NEW YORK

By Fred Feldman

A sharp new period of class confrontation has opened in
Venezuela. The central issue is the land.

President Hugo Chavez has called for the full enforcement
of the current land law with the imposition of high taxes
on the latifundistas. These big rural landowners maintain
large quantities of unused land, partly as an investment,
and partly in order to force the landless or land-starved
rural population to hire out to them. Chavez insists that
this land must be brought into production to assure food
independence and reduce food imports. He reportedly wants a
census of unused land owned by the big landlords to be
completed within two weeks. This points to a sharp increase
of distribution of land to the millions of poor peasants.

At the same time, Chavez called for mayors and governors to
confiscate idle urban land for housing and food production
by working people. Chavez made it clear that he favored
dialogue and, if possible, cooperation with bourgeois
forces in Venezuela. But he insisted that the results of
the referendum had confirmed popular support for the
revolutionary process and that the dialogue he was calling
for would take place in the framework of advancing the
revolutionary process and not instead of it.

TRANSFORMATION OF DAILY LIFE

Meanwhile the expansion of medical care and education at
every level and to every age group continues to transform
daily life and morale in ways that people who have not
experienced this must find it hard to imagine.

On August 29, a joint demonstration of civilians and the
army celebrated the initiation of a dozen social programs
to provide jobs, basic services, infrastructure and other
needs for urban and rural communities across the country.

The Chavez government has succeeded in integrating large
sections of the army ranks and lower officers into the
revolutionary process. In the process, the officer caste
has been substantially changed. While there are still
divisions in the army that can deepen with the class
polarization, there is probably no army in Latin America
that is less able to carry out a counterrevolutionary coup.
At the same time, it is doubtful that this military force
is sufficient to defeat a direct U.S. aggression, or a
contra war against land reform coordinated from the
Colombian border.

In the months before the referendum, Chavez called for
military training of civilians to be undertaken by army
officers and others. I do not know how far this process has
gone or whether it is continuing. But the level of self-
confidence that the workers and peasants are showing in
Venezuela, given a Latin American history with which the
masses have some familiarity, is not consistent with their
being completely unprepared militarily.

LAND--A DECISIVE ISSUE

The land issue points to a sharpening of class polarization
and conflict in Venezuela. The challenge to the landlords
being posed is a decisive one, even though the scope of the
land reform is still modest by comparison with the April
1959 reform aimed at the latifundistas in Cuba. But every
latifundista is Venezuela stands to lose substantial
property in this reform, and to face an energized and
mobilized peasantry as a result.

They will fight like tigers to stop this. They will have
massive support from Washington, from the Colombian
government, and across the border from the great landlords
of northeast Brazil. And the Bolivian generals and land
barons, who already feel the walls closing in a bit, will
take a very vital interest in this matter. We should
remember that the first government of the Cuban revolution
as well as the rebel army split deeply over this issue.

Of course, all this depends on the Chavez government
passing from word to deed. But frankly, it is high time
that we all adjusted to the fact that Chavez has
accumulated a convincing record of moving from word to
deed. After all, he was elected eight years ago promising a
revolution -- and today we find ourselves in the midst of a
Venezuelan revolution, which he is still leading. Not the
basic direction of events in Chile under Allende or Spain
in the popular front. So I think we should be preparing to
rally behind the Chavez leadership of the revolution, not
focusing on speculation and debate over whether they really
mean it or how far they might go. The hard truth is that
they have passed more tests on that than most of us have
had an opportunity to do.

INSPIRATION TO FIGHTERS EVERYWHERE

But the advance of the revolution in Venezuela, which is
entering a new sharp period of conflict and challenges, is
not just a product of the good intentions, political will,
or revolutionary ideas of a leadership.

It depends on broader developments in the class struggle in
Venezuela and internationally. The tremendous victory of
Chavez in the referendum -- an authentic victory in a
confrontation of opposed classes -- is an example for the
whole world. Compare this to the electoral echo, not a
choice, offered by the imperialist parties in the United
States. The Venezuelan election should be an inspiration
and example to fighters for independent working class
political action everywhere, and to those who fight in
groups like the Green Party in the United States, who seek
to provide an alternative to the rulers' course but come
under massive pressure to give ground to them. The same is
also true of revolutionary-minded people who are active in
labor parties around the world. The Venezuelan example
should be taken up as an example of revolutionary working-
class and poor peasant political action in the electoral
arena. We should fight for others to measure up.

GAINS IN IRAQ

A second arena where we have scored gains is in Iraq, where
the battle of Najaf ended with saving the shrine from
attack -- an outcome which was deeply desired by millions
of Iraqis and which working people around the world should
join our Islamic brothers and sisters in greeting. Not only
that, but the imperialists were unable to break the
fighting capacity of the Mahdi Army. Their arms were turned
in to their organization under the guidance of Najaf
religious authorities, not that of imperialism. And the
city remains outside the reach of the U.S.-installed puppet
government. The Iraqi police who have entered will be no
more able to impose the imperial or puppet will than
similar forces in Fallujah or anywhere else in Iraq. They
will tend in fact to dissolve into the broader resistance
or be defeated unless massive military U.S. military forces
can win control of the city.

Now the U.S. government is pushing its Allawi government to
provoke a military confrontation with Sadr's forces in
Baghdad. They badly need a victory to prevent the
disintegration of Allawi's government, further loss of
control in all parts of Iraq, and -- something no U.S.
administration ever forgets at these times - to win the
presidential election for Bush.

We have to greatly step up solidarity with the Iraqi people
in the next period. The battles are not going to let us
wait for the day after the election.

MASS MARCH IN NEW YORK

There was an enormous mass march of 250,000-500,000 people
in New York against the war and against Bush -- a
demonstration against an imperialist war while it is taking
place, and at the peak of an election period. Of course,
the great majority of the protesters will support Kerry on
the election day in order to defeat the deservedly loathed
Bush. Only a relatively small minority -- perhaps a couple
million -- will reject the two-party scam in favor of Ralph
Nader and Peter Camejo who have actively campaigned against
the war and, in Camejo's case, in solidarity with the
struggle of the Iraqi people against the occupation.
Kerry's main advantage is simply not having been president
for the last four years. Whether that will be enough to put
him over in November is not clear. Kerry's insistence on
making support for the war the central issue tends to
reinforce the credibility of his opponent, who has a proven
record of waging brutal wars. Bush has already delivered
what Kerry only promises.

But whoever wins, the recent developments mean that the
U.S. rulers are going to be holding a somewhat weaker hand
against working people. Victory on election day will not
reverse the decline of the Bush administration. (Remember
Nixon in 1972!) And Kerry, whose honeymoon period may
already be over if the mood of the NY demonstration is any
sign, will not have a free hand if he gets the electoral
college majority.

THE MILLION WORKER MARCH

For working-class fighters in the United States, the next
big event is the "Million Worker March" being held, with
modest but growing backing from the union movement, on
October 17, in Washington DC. The events of the last few
weeks should be taken as a signal that skepticism about the
prospects of this event should be pushed aside. The mood is
there. The march will take place. Thousands and probably
tens of thousands of working people will be there.


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