[Marxism] The Insurrection in Irag

["cort greene" <cortgreene@xxxxxxxxxx>]

  The Insurrection in Irag
In Defence of Marxism- http://www.marxist.com and Socialist Appeal- 
http://www.socialistappeal.org
----------------------------------------------------------------------The 
insurrection in Iraq
By Alan Woods
The US army is now faced with a general insurrectionary upsurge all over Iraq. 
This marks a qualitative change in the situation. This week has seen the 
heaviest fighting since the end of the war, with the US losing 33 soldiers in 
three days. By last night, the troops which overthrew Saddam Hussein a year ago 
this week, had been driven from five Iraqi cities after heavy fighting.
Allied forces were under attack at both ends of the country as US-led 
occupation forces lost control of large parts of Iraq. Although US soldiers say 
they had reached the centre of Fallujah, most of the city still appears still 
to be under the control of guerrillas.
US Marines on the roads leading in and out of Fallujah were turning back all 
vehicles yesterday including ambulances. Anyone trying to reach the city, which 
has a population of 300,000, was barred from entering. Two Iraqis, sitting 
half-hidden close to a US roadblock near the village of Haswa, said: "You can't 
reach the city. The Americans have closed it off. Don't let them see you 
talking to us or we will be arrested."
The American attack on Fallujah, 30 miles west of the capital, was in 
retaliation for the killing of four American "contractors". What were armed 
American civilians doing at all, without a military escort, in Fallujah, the 
most dangerous place in Iraq? The Economist answers:
"They were private security guards working for a company called Blackwater USA, 
under contract to the American administration. Around 15,000 such civilian 
security guards are now in Iraq, a substantial presence. And this number does 
not include the telephone engineers, oil-pipeline specialists and other private 
contractors working on Iraqi infrastructure."
In other words, these men were mercenaries: hired killers and bandits who are 
now swarming all over Iraq, making money out of repressive activities that are 
carried out with no control or restriction. No wonder the people of Fallujah 
acted as they did. The scenes were barbaric, but this is the consequence of the 
general barbarism into which the Iraqi people have been plunged by US 
imperialism ? the most barbaric and reactionary force on the planet.
Overall civilian casualties in Fallujah are not known but 16 children and eight 
women were reported to have been killed when US aircraft hit four houses on 
Tuesday, according to Hatem Samir, an official at Fallujah hospital. The list 
of dead and wounded is rising inexorably. At least 150 Iraqis have died west of 
Baghdad alone, not counting those who died in an attack on a mosque yesterday.
American attack helicopters and fighter aircraft supported marines as they 
stormed Fallujah. The aircraft fired a rocket and a bomb into the compound of 
the Abdul-Aziz al-Samarrai mosque. This act shows the incredible stupidity of 
the American commanders. Witnesses said the attack came as worshippers gathered 
for afternoon prayers and that at least 40 worshippers had been killed.
Improvised hospitals were set up in private homes to treat the wounded and 
prepare the dead for burial. The US military gave varying casualty counts. 
Marines Capt Bruce Frame, in a statement issued from Central Command, said: 
"One anti-coalition force member was killed in the attack. There is no report 
of civilian casualties." However, Brig Gen Mark Kimmitt, the chief US military 
spokesman in Iraq, said, "I understand there was a large casualty toll taken by 
the enemy."
Of course, the real level of casualties will be far greater than these reports 
suggest. And with every such attack, the hatred of the US invaders will grow 
and their already tiny base of support will shrink still further. All the 
military hardware and advanced technology in the world will not help. This is 
exactly what happened in Vietnam.
Rumsfeld's lies
Large parts of southern Iraq have slipped out of their control as Allied forces 
come under attack from militiamen of the Army of the Mehdi which is loyal to 
Muqtada Sadr, a militant Shia cleric whom the US says it intends to arrest. US 
defence chief Donald Rumsfeld attempted to play down rebel resistance against 
coalition forces in Iraq today. But nobody believes him. Speaking in 
Washington, the US defence secretary said: "The number of people involved in 
those battles is relatively small.
"There's nothing like an army or large elements of people trying to change the 
situation. You have a small number of terrorists and militias coupled with some 
protests."
This is a considerable understatement. It is probably the case that the number 
of actual fighters is relatively small. But this is to misunderstand the nature 
of a war of national liberation. The strength of the guerrillas is not in 
numbers. In general, guerrilla groups are small, mobile units that can strike 
unexpectedly and then melt away into the population. Their strength consists in 
the support of the population. And virtually the entire population of Iraq is 
now implacably opposed to the occupation of their country.
Clumsy attempt
The Americans were supposed to bring peace, stability, democracy and prosperity 
to Iraq. Instead they have brought endless conflict, death and misery, chaos, 
unemployment and universal poverty. Over 50 percent of the population is 
unemployed. Jobless youths express their resentment by demonstrating, and are 
met with bullets. It is therefore no wonder that they are queuing up to join 
militia groups like that of Muqtada Sadr.
The present conflict was sparked off by a clumsy attempt to arrest the radical 
Shia cleric. In the past, 30-year-old Muqtada Sadr, whose authority stems from 
fact that he is the son of Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr, the revered Shia clerical 
leader assassinated by Saddam Hussein in 1999, has had only limited popular 
support. But there are signs that this is growing after a US-appointed Iraqi 
judge issued a warrant for his arrest.
Sadr appealed to Iraq's have-nots, who number many millions ? the poor, the 
homeless, the unemployed. That is what made him so dangerous to the Americans. 
The confrontation with Sadr appears to have been provoked by Paul Bremer, the 
head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, when he closed Sadr's newspaper 
and arrested one of his aides. He clearly did not expect such a violent 
response.
Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmit, deputy director of operations for the US army in Iraq, 
said: "If he wants to calm the situation, he can turn himself in to an Iraqi 
police station and face justice." Such sentiments show that the imperialists at 
least do not lack a sense of humour.
Sadr, who controls three cities in the south, is naturally in no hurry to hand 
himself over to American "justice". His militia force has been swelled by 
disgruntled, unemployed young men to about 3,000 fighters. It will grow even 
more as a result of the present fighting. At secret of the strength of the 
movement is that it unites social and national protests into a single movement.
Brigadier General Mark Kimmitt insists that Sadr would be arrested and "the 
coalition and security forces are conducting operations to destroy the Mehdi 
Army."
This will be sooner said than done. The Army of the Mehdi has shown that it has 
greater military strength than had been supposed in fighting since the weekend. 
It is reportedly in control of most of Najaf where Sadr himself has taken 
refuge. Al-Sadr and his followers will not surrender. They will continue to 
fight until they are dead. They fight with fanatical bravery because they 
believe passionately in what they are fighting for. Can the same be said of the 
American soldiers who face them? That is extremely doubtful.
The American soldiers were told that they were going to Iraq to liberate the 
people from a hated and tyrannical government. They were asssured that the 
population would welcome them like heroes. In some (not very many) cases this 
was true. But not any more. Everywhere they turn, the coalition forces meet 
with a wall of hatred and suspicion. The entire population is against them. 
They are not safe anywhere, at any time. The effects of this on morale can only 
be imagined.
In many of the southern cities of Iraq where Shia are the majority of the 
population, the local Iraqi police and paramilitary units - supposedly under 
orders from the coalition - have shown they are not prepared to fight fellow 
Shia in the Mehdi army. If the US army uses its massive firepower to fight its 
way into Najaf in pursuit of Sadr it well be seen by Shias as a repetition of 
the Iraqi army offensive. This was against rebels in Najaf and Kerbala during 
their great uprising against Saddam Hussein at the end of the first Gulf War in 
1991.
In the early hours of April 4th, in the biggest American assault since the 
conventional war a year ago, dozens of tanks and helicopter gunships had 
bombarded Baghdad's sprawling Shia townships. More than 1,000 American troops 
swarmed in, recapturing government buildings and police stations that Mr Sadr's 
"Mahdi army" had taken over. At least 50 Iraqis were killed in Baghdad alone, 
for the loss, in the next three days, of at least eight American soldiers. But 
the loss of support among the Shia population will far outweigh any military 
success they may obtain.
Limits of power of US imperialism
It is true that US imperialism is a colossal power. But this power is not 
unlimited. In Iraq the American invaders are faced with a general uprising of 
the masses that they cannot defeat, despite all their tremendous military 
power. In secret the clique in the White House have understood it. At long last 
reality is beginning to penetrate even the thick skulls of Rumsfeld and Bush, 
allowing at least a little daylight to enter even into these dark places.
The Economist writes: "In private, senior Defence Department officials have 
given up claiming that the security situation is about to improve. This week, 
the Pentagon suspended the rotation home of 24,000 soldiers from Iraq and 
General John Abizaid, the chief of America's central command, asked for 
contingency plans to increase the number of soldiers in his region. These are 
the clearest signs yet that the Pentagon is concerned about deteriorating 
security. They reverse the previous insistence of Donald Rumsfeld, the 
secretary of defence, that more troops would not be needed."
The consequences are highly unpalatable. As the article says, the Americans 
were planning to with draw troops from Iraq soon. Now they are singing a 
different song. Rumsfeld has said that some American troops due to leave Iraq 
soon might have to stay longer, although the commander of American forces in 
the region, Gen John Abizaid, and his deputies had not asked yet for more 
troops or an order delaying the departure of any soldiers.
"You can be certain that if they want more troops, we will sign deployment 
orders so that they'll have the troops they need," Mr Rumsfeld said at the 
Pentagon.
Delaying the departure of existing troops is a very sharp reversal and will 
have negative consequences for Bush's electoral campaign. After all, the Texan 
Wonder decided, in his infinite wisdom, to fight the election as a War 
President. He intended to portray himself as a hard man, leading the American 
Nation into victorious battle against the Forces of Evil. Now, however, this 
image is looking slightly tarnished.
The decision to keep troops in Iraq, and even to send reinforcements, is a 
tacit admission of the seriousness of the situation. The constant repetition of 
the claim that "we have not lost control of the situation" proves beyond 
reasonable doubt that they have indeed lost control, and that thousands of 
extra forces will be needed to deal with the upsurge in unrest.
US military commanders declared yesterday that they would arrest Sadr and 
destroy the Army of the Mehdi, the black-clad militiamen who support him. But 
it is doubtful if the US has the military forces in Iraq, numbering some 
130,000 men, to do so. They would have to call in reinforcements and even that 
might not be enough.
Mr Rumsfeld said: "We're taking advantage of that increase, and we will likely 
be managing the pace of the redeployments to allow those seasoned troops with 
experience and relationships with the local populations to see the current 
situation through."
The "seasoned troops" to which Mr. Rumsfeld refers will doubtless have very 
different ideas as to the desirability of remaining among a local population 
that has made it quite clear that it wishes to see the back of them as soon as 
possible. Already there have been complaints that battle weary and 
shell-shocked American troops are being sent back to the front line before they 
are ready. The discontent in the US forces in Iraq will grow, and sooner or 
later will be expressed in mutinous tendencies.
The Fighting Spreads
Events have a logic of their own and, despite the assurances of Rumsfeld, are 
spiralling out of control. It is now incorrect to refer to the fighting in Iraq 
as guerrilla warfare. The movement has become generalised and has changed its 
character. What we are witnessing is not a guerrilla war but a mass uprising of 
the whole people against the hated foreign invader. And all history shows that 
it is impossible to defeat an entire people, no matter how many troops, tanks 
and helicopters are used.
Despite everything the US army persists in its policy of repression. President 
Bush insists the US will not waiver, saying: "Our resolve is firm... and we 
will prevail."
These are brave words indeed! But words in themselves solve very little. The 
idea that a man like al-Sadr would surrender shows how far removed from reality 
these people are. Because the degenerate autocrat Saddam Hussein showed himself 
to be a miserable coward who preferred to save his own skin rather than commit 
suicide does not mean that all others are the same.
What must be particularly alarming to Washington is the fact that the uprising 
is not confined to the Sunni Belt, but the main focus of resistance comes from 
the Shiites, who were supposed to be their allies. General Richard Myers, 
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said today the fighting came in two 
broad categories.
West of Baghdad in cities such as Ramadi and Fallujah, the main opposition was 
"former regime loyalists", including supporters of former president Saddam 
Hussein and anti-American foreign fighters loyal to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a 
Jordanian-born terrorist believed to be linked to al Qaeda, he said.
These words are in themselves an admission of failure. Before the US invasion 
of Iraq, there was no al Qaeda presence in Iraq. Whatever one thinks of the 
Saddam regime, it was secular and deeply hostile to Islamic groups like al 
Qaeda. The feeling was mutual. By their actions the US imperialists have opened 
up Iraq to al Qaeda, where they are cheerfully killing American soldiers and 
planning new terrorist actions both inside and outside Iraq.
The "allies" under attack
The US is thus facing a two-front war against Sunni and Shia Iraqis. Earlier in 
the week militiamen supporting Sadr entered the Sunni neighbourhood of Azamiya 
in Baghdad to shoot at US Humvees. Even before the uprising, the US army was 
already having difficulty in coping with the Sunni guerrillas north and west of 
Baghdad. The revolt of the Shiites has stretched their forces to breaking point.
Fortunately, they have some allies, who will now be expected to share in the 
joys of fighting and dying. This may not prove to be especially popular with 
them. Many of the Allied troops in the Shia cities of the south are from 
countries such as Poland, Spain, Ukraine, Bulgaria and Italy. The governments 
of these countries wanted to show their loyalty to the US but they never 
expected to find themselves in serious fighting. Like jackals, they only 
expected to put in an appearance after the kill in the hope of sharing some of 
the bones. But this meagre repast will give them some severe indigestion!
The fighting has affected every part of the Coalition forces. Militiamen loyal 
to al-Sadr clashed with Polish troops in the holy city of Karbala yesterday and 
Ukrainian forces were forced to evacuate the city of Kut, south west of 
Baghdad, during clashes with the cleric's army. At least 12 Iraqis were 
reported killed and 20 wounded. There are reports today that the insurgents are 
holding Japanese hostages, whom they threaten to kill unless Japan withdraws 
its forces from Iraq.
Thus, every nation that is involved in Iraq will be affected, provoking 
political crises like the one that recently shook Spain to its foundations. 
They will pay a terrible price for so thoughtlessly accepting the dictates of 
Washington.
A national liberation movement
Under Saddam Hussein the ruling clique, drawn from the minority Sunni 
community, ruled with an iron fist, suppressing the aspirations of the Shiites 
(60 percent of the population) and Kurds. By destroying the central power, the 
US-led invasion inevitably gave rise to powerful centrifugal forces that have a 
logic of their own.
It is an established fact that imperialism makes use of the aspirations of 
small nations and the desire for self-determination for its own cynical 
purposes. Small nations and minorities are merely the small change of 
imperialism. One day it stirs them up in order to weaken an enemy, the next it 
abandons them to their fate.
We saw the real attitude of Washington in 1990, when Bush's father called on 
the Iraqi Shiites to rise up against Saddam Hussein and then left them to 
suffer terrible reprisals. In the invasion last year, the Americans once again 
tried to base themselves on the Shiites and Kurds. Ever since, they have been 
intriguing with different groups, playing the old imperialist game of divide 
and rule.
The press constantly harps on the theme of the danger of civil war (between 
Sunnis and Shiites). The reason for this is clear: it is meant to justify the 
continued occupation of Iraq. "If we withdraw, there will be civil war!" they 
say. What they do not say is that they have been constantly playing up the 
differences between different religious and national groups in order to 
increase their own power and present themselves as the arbiter between them.
However, the uprising has cut across all national and religious differences. 
There were signs of sympathy for the al-Sadr revolt by the Sunni rebels as 
graffiti praising his "valiant uprising" appeared on mosque and government 
building walls in the Sunni city of Ramadi. Sunnis and Shiites have 
spontaneously united in struggle against the common enemy.
There have also been peaceful protests supporting al-Sadr in the northern 
cities of Mosul and Rashad, in the Kurdish areas. This is a genuine all-Iraqi 
national liberation struggle, uniting Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds. The Iraqi 
people have demonstrated considerable maturity. They have shown that, above all 
the religious, linguistic and national differences, there is an Iraqi national 
consciousness. It has been forged over generations. It defeated the might of 
British imperialism in the past and it is capable of defeating US imperialism 
now.
Our information about Al-Sadr is limited. But he seems not to correspond to the 
caricature of a Shiite religious fanatic presented by the Western media. 
Indeed, he has shown a degree of political understanding that has nothing to do 
with the lunacy of al Qaeda. He has warned that Iraq would become "another 
Vietnam" for the United States unless it transferred power to Iraqis not 
connected with the US-led occupation authority.
Remarkably, he has made an appeal to the people of the USA in which he 
carefully distinguishes between the US government and the American people:
"I call upon the American people to stand beside their brethren, the Iraqi 
people, who are suffering an injustice by your rulers and the occupying army, 
to help them in the transfer of power to honest Iraqis," he said. This language 
is not that of a mindless fanatic and correctly expresses what is necessary. 
The occupation of Iraq must end, the foreign troops must be withdrawn and 
instead of maintaining a puppet government by force of arms, America must let 
the Iraqi people decide who rules them.
This is not socialism, of course. But it is a position that should be supported 
by all honest democrats. However, those who now rule the roost in the 
Whitehouse have little in common either with honesty or democracy. Bush and his 
clique are determined to continue the occupation and to crush the uprising in 
blood.
Hearts and Minds
In a war of this kind the decisive question is the attitude of the population, 
or what the Americans used to call the struggle to win hearts and minds. On 
this decisive front, America has already lost the war.
The brutality of the imperialists, their indifference to the suffering of the 
Iraqi population, their arrogant disregard of national and religious 
sensitivities, has created a feeling of universal resentment against them. This 
cannot be removed by rockets, tanks and helicopter gunships. On the contrary, 
every strike against civilian areas, every woman and child killed or wounded, 
increases the hatred of the occupation forces.
Abu Hussam, an elderly man in Haswa just east of Fallujah, was quoted in 
today's Independent as saying: "We were pleased when the Americans overthrew 
Saddam's miserable regime but today our lives are worse than they were when he 
ruled in Baghdad." He said he hoped the insurgents would win. This must be 
typical of the attitude of millions of Iraqis.
By their actions, the Americans are alienating the Iraqi Shia community as a 
whole. Today's Independent comments:
"US soldiers do not seem able to distinguish between the Army of the Mehdi and 
ordinary Shia pilgrims on their way to the holy city of Kerbala to commemorate 
the feast of Arbain, which starts today, forty days after the anniversary of 
the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, one of the founders of their faith.
" 'The Americans are just as bad as Saddam Hussein,' said Hamid al-Ugily, the 
leader of six men from Sadr city carrying a green flag who are spending two to 
three days walking to Kerbala. 'We think they will attack Muqtada in Najaf. We 
will defend our religious leaders.'
"What is menacing for the US is that all of the men marching to Kerbala, 
something they once did secretly under Saddam Hussein, are soldiers in the 
Iraqi Civil Defence Corps (ICDC). This paramilitary body, created by the 
Coalition Provisional Authority, is set to take over duties currently 
undertaken by the American soldiers.
"Abbas, one of the marchers, said: 'I have been in the ICDC one year and the 
Americans didn't do anything for Iraq.' The friction between US soldiers and 
Iraqi Shias, some 15-16 million of the 25 million population, is becoming more 
intense by the day."
Bush and Kerry
The present uprising will probably die down after a time. The intensity of the 
fighting cannot be maintained for long at its present state of ferocity. The 
Americans have sufficient firepower to achieve something approximately 
resembling control. But everyone now realises that a line has been crossed, and 
that something fundamental has changed.
Although the occupying forces may regain some control, they will not be able to 
establish anything like stability. None of the fundamental problems can be 
solved. Therefore, new upheavals and insurrections are inevitable. Sooner or 
later, the invaders will conclude that the occupation of Iraq is costing them 
more than they are ever likely to get out of it. At that point the whole 
inglorious adventure will collapse. However, that is not an immediate prospect. 
Having mounted the tiger, the riders now find it very difficult to dismount.
Despite its immense power, the room for manoeuvre of US imperialism is limited 
by the general world situation. It is bogged down in military adventures in 
Iraq and Afghanistan. The worsening situation in Iraq is beginning to affect 
public opinion in America, where polls demonstrate erosion in support for the 
decision to invade in Iraq. The mood of masses in the USA is increasingly 
critical. Bush's position is increasingly precarious.
As in Spain, the mood in the USA can experience lightening changes that can 
cause serious upsets. Already there are signs of public nervousness about the 
conduct of policy, even while opinion remains steadfast about the war's 
justification. Approval of Mr Bush's handling of Iraq has plummeted to 40 
percent, from 59 percent in January. His overall job-approval rating, at 43 
percent, is the lowest of his presidency. And just one-third of Americans think 
he has a clear plan for what to do in Iraq: a very low number, though hardly a 
surprising one.
According to one recent poll, 57 per cent of Americans still think it was right 
to invade Iraq and topple Saddam Hussein. But a survey yesterday for the Wall 
Street Journal, taken even before this week's bloody fighting, showed a 55-43 
majority disapproving of Mr Bush's handling of the crisis. The President can 
see power slipping through his fingers, and he is not pleased.
The increasingly bitter political argument at home has prompted Colin Powell, 
the Secretary of State, to make a rare foray into domestic politics. Berating 
Senator Edward Kennedy for his description of Iraq as "George Bush's Vietnam", 
General Powell noted the country was at war and said the Massachusetts senator 
should be "more restrained and careful" in his comments. This shows that the 
White House is beginning to lose its nerve.
Of course, the scale of losses in Iraq is nothing compared to the morass of 
Vietnam. The United States spent a decade in Vietnam and lost some 50,000 
soldiers. The conquest and occupation of Iraq have so far claimed just over 600 
Americans. However, the effects in the USA can be as great as Vietnam, given 
the changed world situation and the mood that is developing inside the USA. 
There is a growing unease and a questioning of the system that is far more 
profound than in the 1960s, when the US economy was growing.
Bush's difficulties over Iraq have been compounded by a series of revelations 
and books, the latest of which states that George Bush Senior, father of the 
President and architect of the 1991 Gulf War, apparently opposed the invasion. 
According to The Bushes: Portrait of a Dynasty, by Peter and Rochelle 
Schweizer, Mr Bush Snr expressed "anguish" in the summer of 2002 about the war 
preparations under way. Now it is his son's turn to suffer anguish ? although 
nothing compared to the anguish he has inflicted on the people of Iraq.
All the plans so carefully worked out are now in disarray. Last weekend, 
Richard Lugar, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, became 
the first senior Republican to suggest in public that the handover date of June 
30th might be postponed. He argued that Iraqi security forces would not nearly 
be ready then and that the administration's plans for America's role in the 
post-handover period were vague.
The worsening situation in Iraq now threatens to undo the Bush campaign's 
recent successes against John Kerry, the man almost certain to be Democratic 
nominee to fight the November election. However, even if the Democrats win, 
there is not likely to be much difference to America's foreign policy. They 
have no alternative strategy and basically defend the same class interests as 
Bush. The Democrats want the United Nations to take the central role. But that 
it is easier said than done.
Kerry voted for the war in October 2002 but has opportunistically criticised Mr 
Bush's handling of the conflict in recent months. In a radio interview 
yesterday, Mr Kerry accused Mr Bush of setting the 30 June power transfer 
deadline for political reasons. "There are so many things you could do 
differently in Iraq that it's hard to know where to begin," he said. Kerry now 
argues that more troops are needed in Iraq, although the Pentagon says 
commanders in the field have not asked for an increase to the force of 135,000.
Thus, whether Kerry or Bush sits in the Oval Office does not make a fundamental 
difference. Either of them will have to try to use the UN as a cover for the 
occupation of Iraq. Finally, the question will be settled by the struggle of 
the Iraqi people for self-determination and by the movement of the masses in 
the USA, Britain, Spain and the other countries involved.
Role of the UN
The US imperialists are now trapped in Iraq. They cannot pull out because they 
would lose everything. They have no base in Iraq. The idea of handing over 
power to the Iraqis is a joke. Their collaborators are isolated and hated by 
the population. The Iraqi police force set up by the Americans has failed 
miserably as a fighting force. This was cruelly exposed in the recent fighting. 
The Economist comments:
"A striking feature of the turbulence was the failure of Iraq's fledgling 
police to stand up to the rebels. Though their numbers have risen from 30,000 
last July to over 78,000 today, they are clearly no match yet for determined 
militiamen such as those of Mr Sadr. In Baghdad this week, they simply 
abandoned their stations. Elsewhere, some switched sides."
The implications of this are clear: the puppet government in Baghdad is kept in 
power only by American bayonets. The moment the American army withdraws, it 
will collapse like a house of cards. The Economist concludes pessimistically: 
"America may have done most of what it can do in Iraq. This means it has few 
options if the occupation fails to start improving the quality of life there. 
And, at the moment, the opposite is happening."
In a word, the US imperialists are in serious difficulties in Iraq. In life, 
when one is in difficulties one remembers long-forgotten friends. In war the 
same rule applies. Having arrogantly spurned the UN in the period that led up 
to the invasion of Iraq, George W Bush now remembers, with tears in his eyes, 
that splendid organization. A friend in need is a friend indeed, the saying 
goes, and Mr. Bush's need is now very great indeed!
All of a sudden there are calls for an increased international military 
presence in Iraq. Having failed to clamp down on the bloody unrest, which has 
left at least 30 coalition troops and 150 Iraqis dead since the weekend, the 
Americans are anxiously looking around for assistance. Rumsfeld spoke ahead of 
crisis talks next week between Tony Blair, George Bush and the UN Secretary 
General Kofi Annan.
Messers Bush and Blair suddenly remembered the existence of the UN secretary 
general shortly after the results of the Spanish elections, where, as you will 
recall, the new Socialist Premier, Zapatero, threatened to pull the Spanish 
contingent out of Iraq unless the UN took over operations. We predicted at the 
time that this would lead to some new manoeuvre involving the UN. And so it 
did. Time to invite Mr. Annan to dinner!
Mr Blair will have dinner with Mr Annan in New York next Thursday to discuss 
the UN's role in the run-up to the planned handover of sovereignty to an 
Iraqi-led administration at the end of June. Downing Street said the talks next 
Thursday and Friday would cover Iraq, the Middle East peace process, weapons 
proliferation and the fight against terrorism.
We sincerely hope that the dinner will be to Mr. Annan's liking. Unfortunately, 
the dessert will be rather unpalatable for a lot of people. As usual, the UN 
will be used by the imperialists to provide a respectable cover for their 
predatory operations. The labour movement must oppose the involvement of 
foreign troops in Iraq, whether under the UN flag or the Stars and Stripes. We 
demand the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from Iraqi soil. For 
Iraqi self-determination! Let the people of Iraq decide their own future free 
from outside interference.
London, April 8, 2004.
See also- http://www.marxist.com
Iraq: "This is George W. Bush's Vietnam" By Rob Lyon (April 7, 2004)
Latest bombings highlight plight of Iraqi people By Fred Weston (March 3, 2004).
The capture of Saddam Hussein Editorial statement (December 15, 2003).
The Iraqi quagmire By Fred Weston (November 18, 2003)
Huge increase in injured US soldiers in Iraq - but the Pentagon tries to hide 
the facts By Fred Weston (November 17, 2003).
Iraqi workers stand defiant against bosses and imperialist forces By Roberto 
Sarti. (October 28, 2003)




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