Re: [Marxism] RE: A. A. Liberation and Social Revolution 6 - the monologue

[Waistline2@xxxxxxx]

Any real analysis of the African American Question and social Revolution in 
America has to begin by seeing it as an integral part of the international 
upsurge of the colonial masses against imperialism. The black petty bourgeoisie 
â 
the black elite, hostile to communism and Soviet Power, obscure the profound 
class dynamics and logic that has govern the African American people movement 
since slavery. They have nothing coming. 
 
Communists world wide have used as their base of political assessment the 
historic and political conclusions of the October Revolution. This is so 
because 
socialism was not and is not an economic system but rather a political form of 
property rights. The political conclusions of October created a political 
antagonism within the industrial system. 
 
Comrade Stalin clarified this: 
 
âThus the October Revolution, having put an end to the old bourgeois movement 
for national emancipation, inaugurated the era of a new, socialist movement 
of the workers and peasants of the oppressed nationalities, directed against 
all oppression, which also means national oppression, against the rule of the 
bourgeoisie, their âownâ and foreign, and against imperialism in 
general.â 
 
Further Stalin states and eighty years of history have confirmed: 
 
âIt became obvious that the emancipation of the toiling masses of the 
oppressed nationalities and the abolition of national oppression were 
inconceivable 
without a break with imperialism, without the overthrow by each of its 
âownâ 
national bourgeoisies and the assumption of power by the toiling masses 
themselves.â 
 
It is obvious that no national bourgeoisie can or has successfully led a 
movement of national liberation and escaped economic entrapment by bourgeois 
property relations. It is equally clear that at this period of history, no 
small 
nation will be allowed an independent and peaceful existence by bourgeois 
imperialism. 
 
The Condition of the absurd and the logic of American history
 
An important section of the black elite has characterized the social position 
and existence of the African American as âthe conditions of the absurdâ as 
oppose to the Greek concept of tragedy and predestination. This is correct 
because an examination of the social position of the African American reveals 
the 
heart of American history. 
 
Under the condition of the absurd, the control, manipulation and exploitation 
of the black â not the proletariat proper, has been at the heart of every 
major and most minor decisions of state prior to the Civil War and a good many 
afterwards. 
 
Nevertheless the two hundred year battle within the black intellectual elite 
has entered a new phase. Sides have always been taken and are inescapable. The 
historic defeat of the black bourgeoisie and reactionary sector of the black 
elite lies ahead. 
 
The African American Question is assessed not from the standpoint of Marxism 
in general or the national question in general but as it is witnessed from the 
standpoint of the national minority industrial worker in the North, in his 
interactive relations with the lowest strata of the black masses within the 
state of the United States of America. This political alignment was the basis 
for 
resolving the African American Question in history. 
 
A serious discussion of Marxism and the African American Question has to 
begin by  first dividing history into two parts: the period prior to the 
October 
Revolution, which has to be called the Negro Bourgeois National Movement, and 
2,) the post 1917 period which in history is called the Negro Peoples 
Liberation Movement. What is called African American Liberation would later 
evolve in 
the post Second Imperial World War. 
 
Due to decades of confusion on this question, one has to ask why and how did 
the Negro Bourgeois Democratic Movement arise? Over the past two years an 
inordinate amount of time has been spent clarifying why slavery in the Black 
Belt 
was a commodity producing â a value producing system, and not a form of 
pathetical slavery, where the production of use value reigns supreme.  In the 
long 
run this explains the social position of the African American in American 
society and why they have remained the focal point of American history and not 
the 
industrial proletariat proper. .
 
 
A commodity producing society, no matter what the form of labor must by 
definition begin and accelerates the economic exchange between the countryside 
and 
the towns â manufacturing and industrial centers. This process is not 
abstract 
but meant the development of transportation â shipping and railways, and the 
growth of workers in manufacture and then industry. These people are regrouped 
and organized on the basis of a new technological regime. This process does 
not describe the internal logic within the Indian peoples as a whole but 
describes the slave and his descendants, before and after the Civil War. Slaves 
worked in industry and other spheres of economic activity outside the fields of 
the plantations.  
 
It is the logic of commodity production and the economic relations it calls 
into existence that set the plantation South on the path of national 
development. It is the laborers and not simply the bourgeois planters that are 
the basis 
of national development and every modern nation on earth. Modern nation means 
humanity has been regrouped on the basis of commodity exchange and not the 
production of use values. . 
 
In the North national development took place on the basis of the transition 
from manufacture to industry. Successive waves of European people would later 
be welded into the Anglo-American people. The slave class was proletarians in 
chains, the lowest strata of the proletariat and their descendants have 
remained such. This is the meaning of second class citizenship or the 
intractable 
social position of the African American people. No reform of the system can 
dislodge them from this social position short of the destruction of all 
property. 
 
A proletariat does not have to be a politically free worker and the slave in 
the South proves this. At the end result of the industrial curve these slaves 
â
 their descendants, would become the heart of the communist class. This 
theory and political proposition is the reason the communist workers in the 
industrial heart became communist as the Black Liberation movement peaked and 
not 
socialists. Socialism does not offer freedom to the African American people 
because a historically evolved social position can not be altered by changing 
the 
form of property. This historically evolved social position cannot be altered 
because it is historical. â a product of history and not politics. That is to 
say the technological regime has to be restructured and property abolished. 
 
In a word the Marxists that emerged within the African American people â the 
Indians and children of Atzlan for that matter, instinctively understood the 
line of march being advanced by American Marxism. The student radicals produced 
in the wake of the political vacuum created by the CPUSA in the post war 
period did not understand what they were advocating. The white workers 
understood 
the political projection and correctly refused to be placed on the bottom of 
the social ladder. 
 
Here is the communist understanding of the conditions of the absurd and why 
the Negro masses have suffered horribly during the entire curve of industrial 
development. Here is the barrier to the limits of Soviet power and why it could 
not liberate the working class. For a class to be liberated it has to be 
abolished as an economic category. The African American people evolved as a 
class 
and then a people. This absurdity is unprecedented in history. Here is 
indigenousness American Marxism. Here also is the political meaning of a 
deviation 
toward white chauvinism â not racism. 
 
Stalin understood this and all his writings reveal this logic. Here is the 
dialectic of why the communist workers could not reject Stalin, no matter what 
his alleged mistakes. The class struggle sharpens under socialism and the black 
Marxist who emerged as real leaders of the industrial proletariat in the 
North understood the intractable social position. The industrial system has to 
be 
abolished, along with property and this is not possible until a new 
technological regime comes into existence. 
 
The national question has to be clarified. 
 
The nation one speaks of in antiquity is not and has never been the Marxist 
meaning of modern nations. At the time of the Civil war the various Indian 
people did not exist as modern nations but a historically evolved non sovereign 
people, held together on the basis of a policy of genocide. Their social 
position means their placement within a technological regime or their role in a 
system of production and their relationship to property. Thus, the intellectual 
corp. of the various Indian people have correctly rejected what has been 
American 
Marxism. 
 
Marxism and the National Question has never faired well in the American 
Union. The chauvinists of all types have obscured the obvious. The ideologists 
that 
surrender to the white chauvinism of the Anglo-American bourgeoisie can not 
deny that America up until the Civil War was basically a Southern country in 
its economic and political relations. No where in the literature of the Marxist 
movement since the time of Marx have American communist taken this position â 
until us. 
 
The logic of absurdity
 
After the Civil War and the assassination of Lincoln â the emancipator, the 
landlord planters found a firm ally in President Johnson. The Southern members 
of Congress and the House of Representative showed up to claim their seats in 
government. Had they succeeded the political battle would have been won by the 
Confederacy. Johnson stopped the implementation of the military victory of 
the North. He disbanded and removed the all Negro military organization in the 
South and allowed the regrouping of the military organization of the South. 
 
These regrouped military units of the slave oligarchy roamed the country side 
murdering, raping Negroes at will. The massacre at Hamburg and the looting of 
South Carolina by the ruffians have been lost to history and ignored by the 
radical Anglo-American intelligenica. 
 
In a real sense the slave oligarchy â which was shattered as a class and 
regrouped instantaneously as the land lord planter class, never lost military 
supremacy in the South? The conventional armed conflict assumed a different 
form. 
The liberal intelligencia paints glowing pictures of a mythical black white 
unity but that is not the reality for the African American masses of that 
period. There are countless records of massacres. 
 
The financial capitalist of the North raised the battle cry, âthe revolution 
is in danger.â  In response to this call the finest sons of the Northern 
proletariat stepped forward but the movement slipped into the hands of the 
petty 
bourgeoisie and not of the former slaves. This political dynamic would later 
show itself in the Populist Movement. 
 
The best representatives of these latter day Robespierres were Thaddeus 
Stevens., Frederick Douglas, Charles Summers and Wendel Philips. These radical 
democrats had the decisive task of enfranchising the freedmen so that the 
Southern 
political base, represented by the landlord planter would be denied. 
 
We cannot forget that the slave power was called the slave power not because 
they had slaves, but because their political authority was based on the 
Constitutional amendment that made blacks 3/5 of a human and they could use 
this as 
their base of political power. 
 
Foe a horrible moment the need of the Northern financial capitalist of the 
North somewhat coincided with the needs of the black masses to be politically 
emancipated.  At any rate the needs of the Northern capitalists â the 
Republicans of the North, dictated the passage of the 13th and 14th amendments 
to the 
Constitution. These amendments abolished slavery and formalized the civil 
rights 
of blacks. 
 
The battle to reconstruct the South had begun. The forces of the landlord 
planter class lashed out in a brutal effort to terrorize the slaves and drive 
them back into slavery. This bitter and sharp class conflict presented the 
Negro 
masses with their first opportunity. This was known as the Negro Peopleâs 
Convention Movement. .The struggle that lay ahead would prove to be brutal.. 
 
 
 
Melvin P. 
 
 
 
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