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Re: [Marxism] re: Milosevic's '89 speech
- To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition <marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Subject: Re: [Marxism] re: Milosevic's '89 speech
- From: Louis Proyect <lnp3@xxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Fri, 19 Dec 2003 12:30:45 -0500
- User-agent: Mozilla/5.0 (Windows; U; Windows NT 5.0; en-US; rv:1.0.1) Gecko/20020823 Netscape/7.0
John M Cox wrote:
Just a short note on Milosevic's speech on the 600th anniversary of the
Kosovo battle: I agree with Michael's comments on this speech, as with
almost all of his analysis on Yugoslavia
Really? Do you agree with this:
But as one Zagreb politician told the press: Tudjman may have made
mistakes with regard to his republic's Serb minority, while Milosevic
wants to destroy Croatia; there is no comparison between the two.
Zagreb academic Rada Ivekovic told Green Left Weekly, “Up to and during
the election campaign, Tudjman was more pronounced in his right-wing
[nationalist] claims than now because, after he came to power, he had to
play the moderate within his party ... There are people in the HDZ more
to the right than he is, including the defence minister [Sime Djodan],
and there are other rightist parties.”
Tudjman's moderation in dealing with Serbia's aggression produced open
tension within the ruling party and the postponement of a session of the
Sabor early this month as HDZ hardliners increased pressure for
returning sacked cabinet ministers to their posts, for a general
mobilisation and for the declaration of a state of war in Croatia.
http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/1991/23/23p17.htm
----
The New York Times
September 5, 1997, Friday, Late Edition - Final
Croatian's Confession Describes Torture and Killing on Vast Scale
BYLINE: By CHRIS HEDGES
DATELINE: GOSPIC, Croatia, Sept. 3
A former Croatian militiaman who acknowledges that he killed 72
civilians, tortured prisoners with electric shocks and ran a death camp
has described in a chilling interview his journey from foot soldier to
coldblooded killer during Croatia's war for independence.
The militiaman, Miro Bajramovic, implicated senior Croatian officials in
at least 400 executions of ethnic Serbian civilians by death squads six
years ago, triggering impassioned denials of responsibility by senior
Government officials and his immediate arrest.
"I am responsible for the death of 86 people," Mr. Bajramovic said in an
interview with The Feral Tribune, the independent Croatian newspaper. "I
go to bed with this thought and, if I sleep at all, I wake up with the
same thought. I killed 72 people with my own hands. Among them were nine
women. We made no distinctions, asked no questions. They were Chetniks
and our enemies. The most difficult thing is to ignite a house or kill a
man for the first time, but afterwards everything becomes routine."
The Chetniks were Serbian nationalist guerrillas who occasionally
cooperated with the Nazis during World War II.
Mr. Bajramovic, who said he was speaking out of guilt and bitterness,
said he had come forward because the state had failed to reward him for
his services. In the interview, he asserted that he and three comrades
had executed at least 400 ethnic Serbs on the orders of Croatia's former
Interior Minister, Ivan Vekic.
The Government in Zagreb has questioned Mr. Bajramovic's credibility,
and the former Interior Minister has denied that he ordered Croatian
soldiers to "liquidate" Serb civilians.
Mr. Bajramovic, a former police officer, called the paper on his own
initiative and was arrested on Monday along with three police colleagues
hours after the interview appeared on newsstands.
The account is extraordinary for several reasons. Mr. Bajramovic is not
under indictment by the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague.
An investigation by the tribunal into his paramilitary unit, led by an
ultranationalist, Tomislav Mercep, was dropped recently for lack of
evidence, according to United Nations officials close to the
investigation. Furthermore, Croatian authorities, despite persistent
reports by Serbs and human rights groups of widespread atrocities, have
also failed to investigate the wartime killings.
Human rights workers described the interview as a watershed. "This
testimony exposes for the first time the internal workings of Croatian
authorities during the war," said Ivan Zvonimir Cicak, the head of the
Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights. "All other reports of a
Government campaign to carry out atrocities against the ethnic Serbs has
come to us from anonymous sources."
In the interview, Mr. Bajramovic, who is 40, he said he and his
colleagues ran an elaborate detention center in Pakracka Poljana and
Medurici, 60 miles southeast of Zagreb, where prisoners were tortured
with electric shocks or doused with gasoline and burned alive. He said
nearly all the prisoners were executed and buried in mass graves.
The three accomplices he named in the interview, Munib Suljic, 38, Igor
Mikula, 26, and Nebojsa Hodak, 31, were arrested on Tuesday, a day after
Mr. Bajramovic. The four men are to appear before an investigative judge
in Zagreb.
Croatia's move in 1991 to secede from Yugoslavia, led by staunch
Croatian nationalists such as President Franjo Tudjman, saw pockets of
Serbs, backed by Belgrade, seize rebel enclaves inside the country. The
largest of these was the Krajina region, which was not taken by Croats
until 1995. As the Serbs advanced on mountain towns like Gospic, not far
from Krajina, nationalist paramilitary groups like the one led by Mr.
Mercep sent volunteers and weapons to hold back the Serbs. Most of these
groups were directed by the Ministry of Interior.
Mr. Mercep, at the time, was one of the leading members of Mr. Tudjman's
ruling Croatian Democratic Union. He currently heads a small political
party in Zagreb and has refused to comment on the accusations.
Mr. Bajramovic complained in the interview that other paramilitary
leaders had gotten rich from the looting of Serb property and their
ascension to power while he was impoverished and without work.
"I was silent about this for a long time, expecting that someone in this
country would remember that I exist," he told the newspaper. "My
children eat just like Mercep's do, yet he has two houses in Zagreb, two
apartments and a house on Brac and he came from Vukovar without a kuna
in his pocket."
Croatian officials in Gospic, a depressed town of 8,000 people that once
was home to about 3,000 ethnic Serbs, were uncomfortable when questioned
about the allegations.
They did not deny that such killings took place, but disputed how many
were killed and who was responsible.
Ante Frkovic, the region's deputy in the Croatian Parliament, for
example, said that the numbers of ethnic Serbs killed in Gospic was "at
least ten times less than the number given in the interview."
Dane Simic, a senior commander in the town during the war, acknowledged
that widespread abductions and executions of Serbian civilians took
place in Gospic in October and November of 1991, but he insisted that
these killings were not carried out by the Croatian paramilitary units
but by "Croats from mixed marriages and Serbs who wanted to damage
Croatia's image abroad."
At the start of the 1991 war, separatist Serbs, backed by Belgrade,
moved to seize chunks of Croatia, including Gospic. Hastily organized
Croatian militias struggled against the Serbs and the country saw savage
fighting that left some 10,000 dead. The dark and desperate days of the
Croatian struggle for independence also led to wholesale attacks on
ethnic Serbian civilians, a half million of whom were eventually driven
out of the country and remain in exile.
Mr. Mercep's unit, called Autumn Rains, arrived in Gospic in September
1991, a few months after the war began. Once the front-line fighting
ended in early September, the unit turned its attention to the 9,000 or
so Serbs who lived in and around Gospic.
"It was enough to be a Serb in Gospic to mean that you did not exist any
more," Mr. Bajramovic said. "Our unit liquidated some 90 to 100 people
in less than a month there."
"The order for Gospic was to perform ethnic cleansing, so we killed
directors of post offices and hospitals, restaurant owners and many
other Serbs," he said. "Executions were performed by shooting at
point-blank range. We did not have much time. The orders from our
headquarters were to reduce the percentage of Serbs in Gospic."
Louise Arbour, chief prosecutor at the war crimes tribunal, has
requested information on the four men arrested. The tribunal has
indicted 18 ethnic Croats for war crimes, but all of them are accused of
atrocities committed in neighboring Bosnia.
Mr. Bajramovic said his unit had killed mostly Serb civilians but also
unsympathetic Croats. He named a Croatian woman, Marina Nuic, whose
death he says he now regrets, as one of the victims.
He describes how prisoners were kept in the basement and in classrooms
of a school in Pakracka Poljana and taken out at night for "interrogation."
"Do you know the best way to interrogate prisoners?" he asked. "You burn
them and pour vinegar on the wounds, mostly on the genitals and the
eyes. Then there is a field telephone that can be plugged into a Serb.
It is a direct current, but it does not kill them."
"The prison commander, Mijo Jolic, made them sing the Croatian anthem,"
he said. "Today he owns restaurants all over Croatia. Why don't I have
anything?"
Periodically, Mr. Bajramovic said, Mr. Mercep, once a close ally of
President Tudjman, would order the unit to "clean up" all the prisoners,
a euphemism meaning they had to be executed. He said the Interior
Minister, Mr. Vekic, "knew everything."
"I can tell him how many orders our unit received from him," he said of
Mr. Vekic. "He would tell us to do this or this. We always completed his
orders. These were mostly executions."
Mr. Vekic, quoted by Agence France-Presse, told the Slobodna Dalmacija
daily that Mr. Bajramovic is a liar. "He lies saying he took part in
fighting, in saying he had killed people. No one acted as he said," Mr.
Vekic told the newspaper.
"We killed both Serbs and Croats in Pakracka Poljana," he said. "The
village was echoing with screams. People heard the cries and screams
coming from the prison, but they were afraid to say anything to us."
"According to my estimate, there were 280 people all together killed in
Poljana including ten women," he said. "Besides Marine Nuic, there was
Nada from the village of Kusonja who was infiltrated among us. There was
a very old lady also in whose house they found a sniper rifle. Except
for this old lady, all women were raped and then killed."
Mr. Bajramovic names victims he gunned down himself. And he says that at
least 50 Serbs from Zagreb were transported to the improvised prison for
torture and execution. Many of the Serbs, he said, had to dig their own
graves.
"There was Ilija Horvat, whose only sin was to invite Croats and Serbs
into his home," he said, of one man who was killed.
Mr. Bajramovic's unit roamed Zagreb at night wearing unmarked uniforms
and driving vans without license plates looking for Serbs, he said.
The unit also amassed tens of thousands of dollars from looting Serbian
homes and at one point two members began shooting over disputed funds,
he said. The money, he said, made many of the members of the group,
including Mr. Mercep, wealthy.
"Sometimes we executed people in their homes and then blew up the
house," he said. "There were no bodies left. There were many houses like
this, mostly in the village of Bujavica."
Mr. Bajramovic, along with some other members of the unit, was
imprisoned by the Croatian authorities early in 1992 but released some
three months later with no charges filed.
Victor Ivancic, the editor of The Feral Tribune, said he had received
numerous death threats since the interview appeared on Monday. The paper
says it has a transcript of the interview, and each page carries Mr.
Bajramovic's signature.
Mr. Bajramovic said he believes he is in danger. "I don't feel relief
after telling you about all this. I am afraid of my unit. They are
experienced professionals who do not miss often. I know The Hague is
unavoidable," he said, referring to the war crimes tribunal.
--
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