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Re: How to misuse unconditional support of "the" Iraqi resistance



Full spectrum, high intensity lights-- check.
Blueberries, frozen and fresh-- check.
Photos of Nice, Barcelona rehung--check.
Beethoven, Gershwin, Adalberto Alvarez cued up-check
New lingerie and shoes for wife--check
Yankees in first place-- check
_____________--

And no matter what I do, what I think I forgot to do last year that I will
do this time that will make the difference, it doesn't make the difference
and once again I find myself slipping into the winter abyss of S.A.L.D.
seasonally affected leftist disorder, where all colors are blue and
everything you hear you've heard before and it missed the point...

The battle of/for/in Iraq is a class struggle, it is the relentless and
desperate march of the bourgeoisie to reduce the social costs of the
reproduction of capital to absolute zero-- to dismantle education, health
care, sanitation-- all those things so derivative from capital's good times,
and so useless except as kindling during the bad. This time with an
exception. The destruction, like the overproduction triggering it, is
secular, structural, cumulative and not cyclical, transitory, reversible.

So the discussions about self-determination, imperialism, and the
endorsing/criticizing Saddam Hussein are, I hesitate not to say it, obsolete
at birth. What is not obsolete is the need for an equally class conscious
opposition to the bourgeoisie's Afghanistan plan-- that specifies the
irreplaceable centrality of the workers' struggle against the occupation,
and that nothing of substance can come from any notions or substitutions of
cross-class alliances, undiffentiated notions of "the people," or
struggles for national self-determination for the real thing.

Of course every Marxist group and individual has the "right" to explore,
explain, and criticize the role of the Ba'ath party in the operation of the
capitalist world economy. More than the right, every Marxist has the
obligation to do just that, and to not be deterred or intimidated by thosing
arguing that position of birth, geography, national origin, temporary
residence, automatically disqualifies a significant portion of the world
from analyzing this history, which, as part of the world history, is
everybody's history; as part of the international class struggle, is
everyone's class struggle.

dms





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