Forwarded from Derek Seidman (FI Youth camp)

[Louis Proyect <lnp3@xxxxxxxxx>]

About two weeks ago I attended the annual youth summer camp of the
Fourth International (FI) in northern Portugal. I am not a member of any
FI group, but I was invited by some FI youth I met in Barcelona. It was
fortuitous for me-- I am interested in what the FI is doing and I
wouldn't have known about the camp otherwise. Here are some of my
thoughts I jotted down (rather quickly and crudely, sorry to say). They
are written informally, as it was originally a letter to a friend of mine.

Derek

-----------------------------

Okay, here's some of my thoughts on the FI:

(First, here's a rough count of the delegation sizes):

France: 140
Portugal: 140
Spain: 45 Italy: 40
Holland: 20
Switzerland: 15
Sweden: 15
England: 12
Luxemburg: 5
Germany: 5
USA, Greece, Sri Lanka, Poland: 5

1. LCR/JCR

It was mostly JCR youth at the camp-- not all of them were in LCR. There
is some tension between the JCR and the LCR, I think. The youth are
weary of what one could call the LCR's potential for opportunism.
Nevertheless, the LCR is the most impressive group on the european far
left. They claim about 3,000 members, and have some serious influence in
the country. The mainstream liberal-left take them as a serious threat.
Their chances for growth are only improving as the class struggle in
France is more intense than anywhere else in Europe. They do good work
with immigrants, youth, and the working class-- they play some role in
all these strikes France has, though I don't know how big of a role.

Overall the LCR seems very open. They have several public tendencies.
They seem to be very committed to revoutionary socialism, but they (like
the rest of the FI) are very vague about their future intentions,
specifically in regards to the *anti-capitalist* movement. I think they
want to participate in it in a non-sectarian way, with the hope that it
will keep growing and give birth to a whole new European
counter-hegemonic force within which they can be a (far left) current.
But I don't know how far they are willing to go to integrate themselves
into the broader european anti-globalization movement. If they keep
their identity and flexibility and still participate wholeheartidly in
it, great. The worry is that they could slide off into murky waters with
all the vague talk about the anti-glob/capt movement as a 'new power'.
While staying open to the possibilities that now exist, they need to
make sure they keep their eye on the prize. I think this is the worry
most people have with them, that you can never be too sure they won't
take this or that wrong, opportunist turn.

But to tell the truth, I didn't learn that much about them. It is really
hard to find out concrete info about them, as well as the whole FI. The
FI doesn't really function as an international at all, but more like an
alliance of groups that see themselves as sharing a common history and
common goal for the future. The whole thing, the FI and the LCR (and
really, the LCR essentially is the FI right now) are very loose, vague,
and hard to pinpoint.

The British section (International Marxist Group (IMG)) is upset with
the LCR because they are basically going behind the backs of the IMG and
having talks with the British SWP about working together and possibly
fusing. I really doubt this will happen. But the implication is that if
this happened, the IMG would have to joing the SWP, and they'd be
swallowed up.

Honestly, I think the LCR is a good group for France, but we in the US
cannot in any way mimic it. All the european ways don't offer much
practical help for us. We can gather lessons and universal principles
from their experience, but overall I think a whole new experience and
tradition needs to-- and will-- develop in the US, through the actual
practice of trying to emerge out of the peculiar condition we're in, in
the context of american conditions.

And you asked about how the youth militants were. The ones in the JCR
and LCR were very dedicated and dynamic, obviously. They had meetings
all the time, from when they woke up until the middle of the night. They
gave great speeches at the nightly forums on marxism, analyzing present
conditions, and on their experiences: the recent strikes, immigration
issues in France, the far right in France, etc.

Really, if we in the US want to have any serious impact on the LCR, or
any dialogue where both sides are taken seriously, we need to grow and
be effective-- something that won't happen using the old tools, as you know.

2. Portugal

The Portuguese impressed me the most. Their section in Portugal is
called PSR (Revolutionary Socialist Party). They are part of Bloco
Esquerrda (Left Bloc). They have a member of parliament, this really
dynamic guy who came and spoke to the Portuguese delegation on the
history of the Portuguese far left (they invited me to attend and
translated). Basically, the only real left group under the dictatorship
was the CP. The far left really could't exist until after the
dictatorship fell. When that happened, the PSR and various maoist groups
arose.

Now the PSR, some maoists groups, some ex-CPers, and many independents
came together to form Left Bloc. It's basically an electoral bloc, but
one rooted in serious activism, that is trying to (1) regroup the
Portuguese far left, and (2) have a broader appeal to the population.
They are having amazing success. They are nationally know-- almost all
ordinairy people on the street know who they are. They have an
impressive apparatus of literature, papers, and all the little dandies
like shirts, pens, bags, etc. They have have really dug some nice roots
into the immigrant community (by, for instance, letting them use their
headquarters free of charge for cultural events) and the poor (by doing
direct actions like occupying some of the thousands of vacant homes in
Lisboa and demanding they be used by the poor).

Before I continue, let me tell you a story about how they became more
known. The Left Bloc was sending a couple of buses to a huge
anti-globalization protest in Barcelona a little while back. The Spanish
authorities stopped them at the border. They wouldn't let them pass
because they knew what they were up to. So that guy I mentioned above
who is a member of parliament gets out to negotiate with the police. But
as soon as he steps ou, the cops beat his ass!!! The whole thing was
videotaped however, and sent to the Portugese media that night. It was
the biggest story in the news for a few days, a member of the portuguese
government getting assualted by the spanish police. Left Bloc got a huge
amount of exposure because of this.

Anyhow, Left Bloc has a couple thousand members, about which 900 are
militants. PSR itself has a few hundred militants. The PSR youth are
awesome, so friendly and dynamic. They have a tight, friendly social
milieux. They hang out with each other all the time, live together,
struggle together, debate, and have a completely liberating culture
absent of peer pressure to conform.

The only thing I worry about with them is that they will lose focus as
PSR and only focus on Left Bloc. Right now, it is clear that their main
focus is building Left Bloc more than PSR. This is good-- it seems to be
the right work to be doing in their situation-- but they can't forget
about PSR. If they choose to liquidate PSR into Left Bloc, they better
be sure they know what they're doing...

By the way, Left Bloc has 3 members of parliament (out of somelike 225),
and it is 90% anti-capitalist, according to a PSR youth leader.

3. Italy

Bandera Rosa (BR), the FI section in Italy, has about 350 members. Italy
is an incredibly polarized society right now. The prime minister they
have, Berlusconi, is a fucking bouregois far-right monster. The left is
real strong, if by left one means everyone from the left wing of the CP
to Refoundation to the huge anarchist movement to all the
anti-globalization activists. It's is definitely one of the most
politicized european countries, probably second only to France. They had
a weeklong Social Forum in the North last year-- 50,000 people came.

The youth of BR are heavily active and involved in the major struggle in
Italy. They gave some dynamite talks at the camp. Within Refoundation
they're is something called the *Anti-Capitalist Alliance*, which they
are part of. It is (surprise) the anti-capitalist wing of Refoundation.
All these social forums and the existence of Refoundation are having a
very positive function in that they are bringing the broad Left together
to organize, regroup, debate, clarify issues. It will be a while before
things are fully clarified with the broader left. These are all new
developments, so everything is still messy, politically speaking.

The Italian youth I talked to said they don't think Refoundation will
move anymore left than it already has. There's a rightwing social
democratic tendency that is trying to move it towards mainstream
*respectability*. Of course, Refoundation is impressive: 900,000
militants and a daily paper. Further, it was the backbone of the recent
social forum. But don't have any high hopes in it.

I wrote Louis Proyect an email about Refoundation. Read it here (note--
PRC is the same thing as Refoundation-- it is the Party for Communist
Refoundation):
http://archives.econ.utah.edu/archives/marxism/2003w32/msg00133.htm

4. Spain

The Spanish youth are great! Very friendly, colorful, and dynamic.
There's this guy named Miguel from Madrid. He's very charismatic, and
literally built the youth membership on his own.

Actually, there are two FI groups in Spain. They are doing common work
together now with hope of a merger in the future. The youth, it seems to
me, could merge in a second. It is the viejos that have problems-- you
know how the older folks cling on to old differences.  So, a primary
focus of theirs is trying to make this merger work. But they are heavily
involved in anti-war work, have some great literature (including this
great book that one of their older comrades wrote on Argentina), and
here in Catalunya have a decent percentage of members from the working
class suburbs of Barcelona.

If this merger works, they'll be in good shape...

5. England

I talked a lot with members of the IMG (they're were also a few SWPers
there who I spoke with a fair amount, but I'll discuss that later if
you'd like). The IMG has about 100 members, mostly very dedicated and
active, and seem to be at a point where they could really burst fourth
if they can take advantage of the situation Tony Blair has handed them
in the UK.

They're main focus now is the Socialist Alliance (SA), the far left
socialist electorial block similar to what exists in Scotland (though
the Scottish are having qualitatively more success, a lot do to their
different, more advantagous political system). It is having some
success, and it puts out a dynamite paper. They also have a few people
elected on the local level. The SWP has gotten involved in it-- because
of the pressure to do so, it seems, and also for opportunistic reasons--
and one of the elected is from their ranks. I talked with an SWP
district organizer from London and she gave me some vague sounding
answer when I asked her what the SWP's prospects for the SA are. She
said that it shouldn't be seen as something coming from the far left,
but something arising from marginalized leftists from the Labor Party.
She said that it's main function is to keep disenfranchised LPers from
going to the right. I don't know if the IMG or others in the SA would
agree...

I got the sense that the comrades think the SA has gone about as far as
it can without some big electorial gains in the next election. We'll
see. But overall, I was very impressed with their energy and optimism,
even if they are a small group.

6. Sweden, Switzerland, Luxemburg, etc.

As for the other delegations (Sweden, Switzerland, Luxumburg, etc.),
they seem to be doing good work. It is more difficult for them since
they come from traditionaly social-democratic countries with a good
social saftey net. But things are opening up for them with (1) the
continuing decline of state's providing of social services, and (2)
massive immigration. Sweden and Switzerland both have around 100
militants each, and much of their work revolves around the lack of
good/full employment, the loss of social services, and issues concerning
immigrants rights. I made good friends with the Swiss, Swedish, and
Luxemburgish-- they were more militant and bigger than I would have
expected.

7. Ecology, Feminism, and LGBT

One of the things that really impressed me was the emphasis the camp put
on issues that old dogmatism would lead us to believe are not real
*proletarian* issues. One day each was dedicated to (1) Ecology, (2)
Feminism, and (3) LGBT issues. The latter was especially good. They're
were autonomous women's and LGBT *spaces*, big tents where these two
groups could go and comfortably discuss amongst themselves. This
*affirmative action* on political issues was refreshing. Plus, the late
night party that the LGBT crowd threw was too, too cool.

8. Brazil

The issues surrounding Brazil were not discussed enough-- just one small
workshop on it. I was sorely dissapointed over this. I was told that it
was discussed last year, but a lot of crucial things have happened since
then. Most importantly, Lula is threatening to expel Heloisa Helena, a
leader of DS (the FI's tendency in the PO) and one of the most popular
women in Brazil, who is a member of parliament, if she doesn't vote for
the horrendous pension reforms. In otherwords, Lula is going to expel
one of the FI's main Brazilian leaders if she doesn't agree to screw the
workers.

The English have circulated a petition in supported of Helena-- even
Chomsky has signed it-- and they're going to send it to the Brazilian
government and press. Chomsky's signing will probably ensure that it
gets some publicity. But there are some many questions of tactics and
strategy to discuss surrounding this: what the DS should do, a balance
sheet on the Lula government, etc. This has sadly lacking.

One of the FI's leading intellectuals was present, Gilbert Achar. He
made several great talks. He is the author of *Clash of Barbarism*, one
of the recent books that came out of the wake of 9/11. He teaches in
Paris, but I'm not exactly sure if he's a member of LCR. When it comes
to trying to figure out how the FI leadership functions, what it does,
and who it is, (sigh) everything is vague and patchy...

Anyhow, sorry if any of this is incomplete or not clear. I'm writing it
quickly and I and fill in the gaps when we talk. Plus, most of what I've
written is what I can deduce from a few conversations-- I may be
completely off the mark on some things. But truth be told, the FI is
very elusive and difficult to decipher. The smaller groups are easier to
figure out. The bigger ones, like LCR, are much harder. Maybe this is
because once you get really big and become a serious group that is broad
and heterogenous it is harder to pinpoint the exact character. Plus, the
European far left really is in an uncertain time. It's hard to tell
where everything will go. The anti-glob/capt movement is one that is
still developing and whose total potential waits to be seen. There are
the issues of the far right, the rise of the EU, immigration, all which
they need to try to figure out how to tackle effectively. And there's
all these new social forums. They've had them in France, Portugal,
Italy, etc. Tens of thousands of activists from the anti-glob movement
get together to debate, discuss, celebrate, and solidify. This is a new
phenomenom, it's hard to tell what to do.

So, I give the FI the benefit of the doubt. They are in a new situation,
and this calls for some serious trial and error, even if it might be
misinterpreted as opportunism. The worst thing for them to do would be
to isolate themselves. They seem to be committed to revolutionary
socialism, but this doesn't prevent them from still trying to immerse
themselves in effecting the *ACTUAL* movement of forces going on. It's
just important to stay vigilant, cautious, and critical. You don't want
to go in so deep that you lose sight of what you are really fighting for.

Derek

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