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Iraq and Vietnam
(What this comparison leaves out is the amazing outspokenness of US troops
who openly give their names to the press when complaining about being in
Iraq. Nothing like this happened in Vietnam until 7 years of bloody
conflict had elapsed.)
The Independent, July 20, 2003
'God, I hate these people,' says the sergeant. Some utter the V-word: Vietnam
By Scott Wallace in Baghdad
"Up yours, asshole," mutters Sergeant Ronald Black to an Iraqi youth who
waves from the back of a passing motor scooter. The tedium is palpable as
the sun beats down on Fallujah, a sweltering city of 200,000 mostly Sunni
Muslim inhabitants 35 miles west of Baghdad which has become a flashpoint
of local resistance to the coalition's occupation of Iraq. "God, I hate
these people," he says.
But the sergeant reserves his most blistering remarks for US commanders,
who recently announced that his Third Infantry Division will remain in Iraq
until the autumn, several months beyond its originally scheduled departure.
"We're being told to stay by commanders who just got here a month ago," he
complains. "They haven't been here since fucking September like we have."
Even as Tony Blair and President George Bush vow to "stay the course" in
Iraq, soldiers like Sgt Black betray the difficulty of the task ahead.
Coalition forces rolled over Saddam Hussein's army in three weeks, but
winning the peace is proving to be a far more vexing task.
In places like Fallujah, war and the subsequent occupation have brought
industry to a standstill, leaving the workforce idle, fuelling resentment
and providing cover among a restive populace for the emergence of an active
guerrilla resistance.
It is a grim scenario that has some people uttering the dreaded "V-word"
Vietnam. On Friday, an influential Sunni imam, speaking outside a mosque in
north-west Baghdad, could not resist the Vietnam comparison.
"Both wars Vietnam and Iraq were illegal under international law," the
imam said. "And in both, the enemy is the same the United States." He
predicted that Islam would provide the same sort of ideological
underpinning for Iraqi resistance that Ho Chi Minh's nationalistic
Communism did for the Vietnamese four decades ago.
US commanders tend to dismiss the comparison as gratuitous, with some
reason. The coalition forces scattered across Iraq are facing nothing like
the organised and dedicated resistance of the National Liberation Front in
Vietnam, nor, for that matter, of the formidable North Vietnamese army,
which dispatched men into South Vietnam to die by the tens of thousands in
the face of relentless pounding by B-52s.
Saddam's corrupt and brutal regime lacked an ideological core that could
motivate a similar response from Iraqi partisans, say the occupiers. And
while some trigger-happy GIs have turned their guns on Iraqi civilians with
tragic results in the weeks since the occupation began, the coalition's
rules of engagement stress that deadly force may be used only in response
to a clear and present danger. There have been complaints of heavy-handed
tactics, especially around Fallujah and other villages in the "Sunni
Triangle" north and west of Baghdad, where resistance has been strongest.
But while the ambushes and bombings by the Iraqi resistance remain
sporadic, they are unlikely to cause the kind of vengeful bloodletting that
came to be a hallmark of America's misadventure in Indochina.
"Embedded" and largely pliant during the rush to Baghdad, the press has
become more critical since. While Iraq is still very much a war zone,
Baghdad does not feel as dangerous as it appears through the prism of the
daily news reports.
The daily trickle of American deaths is less a military problem than one of
perceptions: having been assured that coalition forces would be welcomed in
Iraq as liberators, the fact that there is any resistance at all is an
unwelcome surprise to the US public.
And therein may lie one of the most salient comparisons of Iraq today with
Vietnam 40 years ago. US officials voice bitter frustration that reports of
violent confrontations and grumbling among the ranks may undermine support
for President Bush's Iraq gamble among constituents and legislators back home.
There still exists a school of thought especially well represented among
hawks in the Bush administration and the Pentagon that it was the mass
media, not the failure of US policy, that sapped American resolve and
ultimately lost the war in Vietnam.
It may be only a matter of time before a similar schism opens over press
coverage here, as departure dates for homesick troops and deadlines for
stamping out the resistance ar pushed back indefinitely.
Louis Proyect, Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org
- Thread context:
- Going to the hard core of the matter: the Transformation of Feminism into Capital,
Jurriaan Bendien Sun 20 Jul 2003, 13:39 GMT
- UFPJ calls for meeting of national coalitions,
Fred Feldman Sun 20 Jul 2003, 13:38 GMT
- Beyond the Sunni triangle,
Louis Proyect Sun 20 Jul 2003, 12:43 GMT
- Tightening the screws on Cuba,
Louis Proyect Sun 20 Jul 2003, 12:39 GMT
- Iraq and Vietnam,
Louis Proyect Sun 20 Jul 2003, 12:35 GMT
- FW: [ufpj-disc] UFPJ calls for meeting of national coalitions,
Jose G. Perez Sun 20 Jul 2003, 12:34 GMT
- Britain tried first,
Louis Proyect Sun 20 Jul 2003, 12:31 GMT
- Letter to Todd Ensign: Reconsider Citizen Soldier's Call for UN Peacekeepers,
Yoshie Furuhashi Sun 20 Jul 2003, 09:42 GMT
- My mistake,
Bob Rogers Sun 20 Jul 2003, 07:05 GMT
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