Venezuelan Opposition Courts Working Class

["Walter Lippmann" <walterlx@xxxxxxx>]

(The New York Times shows here
how one right wing grouping in
Venezuela is trying a somewhat
nuanced approach to building up
opposition to President Chavez.

(Rather than the blunt instrument,
they project a softer, less confront-
ational approach to sowing discon-
tent and disunity among the mass
working class and poor supporters
of the Bolivarian president.

(In reggae music, this stratregy is
what might be called "politricks".)
============================

June 12, 2003
Venezuelan Opposition Courts Working Class
By JUAN FORERO
THE NEW YORK TIMES


CARACAS, Venezuela, June 11 - The working-class neighborhood
of Catia in the western end of metropolitan Caracas, with
its jumbled brick houses and towering projects, is said to
be fiercely loyal to President Hugo Chávez and sharply
opposed to those who call for his removal.

But in a two-story, nondescript building in the heart of the
neighborhood, in a dank room with fluorescent lights and
bare walls, a group of political activists are plotting ways
to undercut Mr. Chávez's support.

Here, José Uzcategui, 32, and other activists of First
Justice, a political party usually associated with young,
affluent professionals from the eastern end of Caracas, talk
strategy: Where to go door-to-door to register voters most
likely to turn against Mr. Chávez. What political pitch to
make to people who liked Mr. Chávez's class-based rhetoric.

The tactics, while low-key, represent a departure for a
large but unwieldy opposition out to end Mr. Chávez's
tumultuous rule. The president's foes had miscalculated
badly in the past. By proclaiming loudly and publicly that
they were largely opposed to the left-leaning president,
they irritated the poor. One failed coup and four national
strikes later, a chastened opposition is making the first
attempts to win them over.

With Venezuelans preparing for what may be their last chance
of ending Mr. Chávez's presidency - a referendum that could
take place later this year - the strategy is crucial,
because the government has already begun shoring up its
support with voter registrations and small-scale social
programs.

"We want the people to hear from us what we are about," said
Mr. Uzcategui, a 32-year-old butcher shop owner who recently
joined First Justice. "We want people to know there is an
opposition in the barrios."

It has not been easy. Many people in poor neighborhoods
openly reject Democratic Action and Copei, two political
parties that had ruled Venezuela for years and form
important components in the anti-Chávez coalition.

"They are seen as spoiled rich kids," said Ronny Silva, 29,
a resident of Catia who opposes Mr. Chávez. "There are a lot
of blind people over there. They need to start offering
realities."

Many poor Venezuelans also openly distrust opposition
leaders, whom they view as part of a privileged class that
greatly benefited from a succession of Venezuelan
governments until Mr. Chávez was elected in 1998. To them,
Mr. Chávez remains a lesser evil, even if the economy is
crumbling.

"That is Chávez's strength, and until this day it continues
to be this way," said Ana María Sanjuán, a sociologist at
the Central University in Caracas. "Just like the opposition
claims Chávez has excluded them from his political
decisions, the poor claim Chávez has included them."

The sharp divide between many of the poor and the
opposition - a gulf Mr. Chávez helped create with his
high-octane rhetoric - has made it particularly difficult
for some government foes to freely express themselves in the
hillside slums where the president still has strong support.
The threat of violence has limited political activity.

Three weeks ago, in a rally in Catia held by Democratic
Action, 1 person was killed and more than 20 were injured
when gunfire broke out.

Though it remains unclear who was responsible, some people
in the opposition, including the former secretary general of
Democratic Action, say the party was largely at fault for
having marched into hostile territory.

Democratic Action had portrayed the rally as a reconquest of
Catia. "We told them this is not the way to go into that
sector, but they rejected what we said," said Arquímedes
Espinoza, coordinator of ProCatia, a community organization
opposed to Mr. Chávez. "The way to go in is to first
understand the problems of the people."

Political leaders say that their proselytizing must
sometimes be carried out with particular care.

While loud, raucous anti-Chávez protests are common in the
affluent eastern part of Caracas, such rallies can backfire
in the poor west. Members of the opposition say it is far
more effective to go door to door, taking time to explain
their position. Political gatherings are often convened only
after a neighborhood has been checked to ensure a welcoming
atmosphere.

In small steps, political parties and many community
organizations opposed to Mr. Chávez have started to gear up
political activities in poor districts in preparation for
the referendum on Mr. Chávez's rule.

Though a date has not been set, Mr. Chávez and his
adversaries last month agreed to allow Venezuelans to vote
on whether they want him to continue in power.

At First Justice, which started as a civic organization and
became a political party two years ago, those who work in
Catia and other poor districts are under no illusions.

But Armando Briquet, who oversees operations in much of the
metropolitan area, said the strategy is simple: to focus on
the growing economic and crime problems and not overtly
criticize the president.

"We are telling people, `We understand your problems, that
we can help you look for solutions,' " Mr. Briquet said in
an interview in his office. "That there is a different way
of doing things, different from the old way and the current
way."



Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company