Marxism
mailing list archive
[ Other Periods
| Other mailing lists
| Search
]
Date:
[ Previous
| Next
]
Thread:
[ Previous
| Next
]
Index:
[ Author
| Date
| Thread
]
Re: [DEBATE] : (Fwd) Debating Wallerstein
This showed up on the Debate email list. My reply follows. Warren Wagar is
a world systems theorist.
----- Original Message -----
From: <wwagar@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
Sent: Saturday, May 31, 2003 12:43 AM
Subject: Re: Comments on a Wallerstein article
Louis Proyect is certainly correct in pointing out that U.S.
imperialism and militarism did not begin with the administration of George
W. Bush. William J. ("Bomber") Clinton compiled an enviably virile record
of unleashing American armed force against various small countries,
and who can forget George I, who took Panama and beat the hell out of
Iraq? And before that, there was a certain Ronald Reagan who seized
Grenada and illegally funded fascist armies in Central America, and, oh
yes, Vietnam, and in fact what about 1898 when President McKinley
conquered the Spanish Empire, or 1848 when President Polk subjugated 2/5
of Mexico with the stalwart assistance of General (later President) Zachary
Taylor? And there were all those many brave "Indian fighters" who helped
reduce the indigenous American population by 95% in the course of a
few centuries. And so many other he-men I haven't even mentioned, like
General (later President) George Washington, General (later President)
Andrew Jackson, General (later President) William Henry Harrison, General
(later President) U.S. Grant, Colonel (later President) Theodore
Roosevelt, and General (later President) Dwight Eisenhower.
As for the British Empire, Proyect is again correct in
representing it as a vast imperium spanning the planet and subjecting
hundreds of millions of Africans, Asians, Australasians, West Indians, and
many others to its sway.
The problem is that he ignores the most important punctuation mark
in world-systems analysis, the hyphen. When Wallerstein and many others
use the term "world-empire," they are not referring to an empire with
possessions all over the world. They are referring to a polity that
literally incorporates a whole world-system (another hyphen!). Some of
the states under the thumb of the imperial superpower may exercise limited
autonomy at the pleasure of the empire. They could pay tribute or
otherwise sing for their supper. There might also be a few states only
nominally under the control of the empire, if at all, within the system.
But world-empire was the name of the game throughout much of premodern
world history throughout the world. From Sargon of Akkadia through Cyrus
the Great and Asoka and Shihuang of Qin and the Caesars and the Abbasids
and the Moguls and Moctezuma, the impulse to unite a whole ecumene under a
single sovereign power was seemingly irresistible. The emperors exacted a
high price for their services, but sometimes they provided peace and
security for long periods of time and even presided over cultural "golden
ages."
The point, of course, is that no such world-empire existed in the
15th Century in Western Europe when it began its long climb to global
ascendancy. This facilitated the rise of modern capitalism. It also
provided the space in which the many national actors in the modern
world-system could accumulate "empires"--but not "world-empires"
threatening the stability and equilibrium of the system as a whole. The
establishment in the 17th to 19th Centuries of overseas "empires" by
Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, France, Britain, Belgium, and Germany
did not seriously threaten the balance of power in the European-based
world-system, nor did the accession of the United States to the roster of
official imperial powers in 1898.
In my reading of modern European history, as in Wallerstein's,
only three European countries made a concerted attempt to overturn that
balance of power and establish a system-wide political empire, a true
"world-empire." The first was the Hapsburg Empire under Charles V in the
16th Century, when Spain and most of the German/Italian world acknowledged
a single sovereign. The second was Napoleonic France in the first 15
years of the 19th Century (although I think Napoleon was significantly
prefigured by the overweening ambitions of the Bourbon monarchy from the
days of Louis XIV onward). The third was Hitler's Third Reich (although I
think he was significantly prefigured by the overweening ambitions of the
Hohenzollern monarchy in the era of Kaiser Wilhelm II). These imperial
powers came close to achieving their goals, but were always defeated by
raising up more enemies than they could handle.
In this whole story, England (later the United Kingdom) did not
ever seek global political domination. That is the difference between the
immense British Empire and the futile schemes of a Bonaparte or a Hitler.
Britain fought the Napoleonic Wars and Britain fought the two World Wars
to restore, not to topple, the European balance of power. It was quite
comfortable with a Europe of many sovereign nations, especially since its
capitalists prospered for so many years in a world market not subject to
the regulations and restrictions of a world-imperial superpower.
What seems to be happening now is not a resurgence of macho
militarism in the United States, which has always exhibited all the worst
symptoms of this disease of the male gender (with ample support from its
womankind), but an overt attempt to rush into the power vacuum left by the
collapse of the Soviet Union and establish the United States as both the
sole superpower and the sole ultimate arbiter of world politics. I
hesitate to describe this new hyper-machismo as the quest for a true
world-empire in Wallerstein's sense of the term, but it comes pretty
close. If the United States, with a few pliant satellites (such as the
U.K., Spain, Poland, and Australia!), can pretty much tell the U.N. what
to do, invade and occupy any country at will, bomb anybody it pleases, and
dictate the meaning of democracy (that is, you cannot choose socialism,
the rule of Islamic law, or any government that opposes American foreign
policy, even if all of you want such damnable things), then we are
perilously near to world-empire, Oval Office-style. And I do not care to
hear any speculation, at this stage, about a mighty European Union or a
hypothetical Sino-Japanese juggernaut that might some day soon checkmate
American ambitions. The overwhelming military power of the United States,
its fast-growing population (as opposed to the steadily declining
populations of Europe and Japan), and its still virtually hegemonic
economy consign all such speculation, at this time, to the category of
wishful thinking based on largely mechanical readings of earlier cycles of
rise-and-fall. Some day, sure! But not for a while. Perhaps not for a
damned long while.
As for the rest of Louis Proyect's commentary, I am sympathetic.
Of course the billionaires are divided. Wallerstein is to be commended
for pointing out how many are deeply and legitimately troubled by the way
the policies of the Bush zealots endanger capitalism itself, but they may
not make any difference at all in what Washington decides. The
capitalists go their way and, as Proyect reminds us, the only alternative
is working-class revolution. I wish that Wallerstein and all
world-systems folks would devote at least as much time and energy to
discussing and urging the implementation of strategies of resistance and
revolution as they do to analysis of how the system has worked and works
today. Any fool, well, any wise fool, can see that the system is
irremediably broken.
But I think we do have to understand, with Wallerstein, that the
rules of the global encounter of nations and economies have changed since
1989. We live in an era when it has become possible for enormously
intelligent (if malevolent) people to dream again of world-empire, with a
hyphen. Their figurehead is a C student. He says, "I know what I
believe, and I believe that what I believe is right." Forget him. These
people behind the scene govern the world's sole superpower. Through their
stooge and others of his contemptible ilk, they will stand for re-election
in 2004.
Do what you can.
Warren
Warren writes, "England never sought global political domination." That is
because it didn't need to. By the Victorian era, it had direct possession
of India, effective control of China and most of Africa. People like Niall
Ferguson extol the British Empire for its seemingly benign character. Why
world systems theorists would resonate with this is beyond me. This cedes
too much to England. From the point of view of the German ruling class, the
Versailles treaty did not leave Europe in a balance of power after WWI. It
was legitimate grievances against British and American heavy-handedness
that allowed Hitler to gain a hearing.
When Warren says that the USA rushed "into the power vacuum left by the
collapse of the Soviet Union", it sounds as if there is about as much
connection between the collapse of the USSR and the US's bid to rule the
world as there is in somebody salvaging the wreck of a 17th century Spanish
galleon that they accidentally ran into off the coast of Florida. In fact,
the imposition of a powerful US military presence in Kosovo, Afghanistan
and now Iraq is directly related to the rise of the US as a hegemonic power
during WWII. The first goal was to smash the USSR; the next was to
establish economic and military domination in a region traditionally
controlled by Great Britain. This has nothing to do with machismo or lack
of machismo. These policies were hammered out by Yale graduates who work
for the CIA and State Department and who would very likely weep
uncontrollably at a Maria Callas Aida performance.
To repeat myself, I find the distinctions between Napoleonic France,
Hitlerite Germany and Bush W. on
one hand and Victorian England and JFK on the other to be overstated. JFK's
showdown with the USSR over Cuba's right to defend herself from invasion
brought this country closer to a nuclear Armageddon than any other time in
our history. Some might attribute this to 'machismo'. I prefer to think of
it as an imperial hegemon acting in its class interests, the rest of the
world be damned. You don't have to be a bible-thumping C student from Texas
to risk humanity in this fashion. You simply have to be committed to
private property and the US's role as king of the mountain.
Louis Proyect, Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org
[ Other Periods
| Other mailing lists
| Search
]