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Another perspective on the Ottomans
- To: marxism@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
- Subject: Another perspective on the Ottomans
- From: Louis Proyect <lnp3@xxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Mon, 13 Jan 2003 14:50:51 -0500
- User-agent: Mozilla/5.0 (Windows; U; Windows NT 5.0; en-US; rv:1.0.1) Gecko/20020823 Netscape/7.0
(With all due respect to Perry Anderson, whose analysis of Ottoman
decline appeared so convincing, there appears to be other views on what
happened to this semiperipheral society. The fall of this empire,
according to this article written from a Wallersteinian standpoint,
seems more attributable to European protectionism than whether or not
land was held as private property.)
Indeed, from 1700 to 1760 the Ottoman state was able to embark upon a
reorganization of its economy taking advantage of the world economic
conditions. In this period, existing branches of manufacture like
cotton, wool and silk weaving expanded while new ones were established
like iron smelting in Balkans and soap making in Crete [51]. Most of
these were either actively supported or directly set up by the government.
This trend of expanding economic activity radically reversed after the
1760's due to a very unfavorable conjuncture of military and economic
relations with Europe. Mid-century constitutes a clear turning point for
Ottoman military performance, since after that time military defeats
became a constant reality for the Empire. M.Genc argues that in a
command economy where the government obtains the necessary materials of
war not through the medium of market but directly from the producers, if
the sectors of the economy producing those materials lose productive
capacity, this loss creates a vicious circle between economic
contraction and unsuccessful wars [52]. At the same time, the period
1750-1815 witnessed a cyclical upturn in grain prices in world markets
and increased manufacture production in the core areas. This situation
led those core countries to seek new outlets for their production and
increased their demand for raw materials; and this resulted in a
heightened interest in the Levant trade.
Indeed, the Ottoman Empire's total European trade increased by 50
percent between 1730 and 1780, reaching a total value of STG 3 million
in the 1780's[53] . During the period 1780-1830 it increased by almost
90 percent with a total value of STG 15 million in the 1850's[54] . Over
the same period, one observes a steady shift in composition of exports
from manufactured goods to raw materials - raw silk instead of silk
stuffs, cotton in place of cotton cloth and yarn. In fact, until 1770's
the Ottoman Empire was still able to export manufactured goods to
Europe; even cotton cloth which made up 10% of French imports from the
Empire in the 17th and 18th centuries[55]. In 1761 the French placed a
high protective duty on imports of cotton textiles from the Ottoman
Empire and with the advance of English machine spinning the European
markets were closed for Ottomans[56]. Genc argues that after 1780's the
hitherto parallel paths of European and Ottoman textile production
diverged and Ottoman industry started to decline [57]. The
specialization in exports of primary products not only involved a
decline in manufacturing activities, but as we have seen, also prepared
the rise of local notables, with serious consequences for the political
structure of the Empire. The upward swing in the world economy about
1760's not only strengthened the position of the ayans but also
increased the pressures of the imperialist powers. Thus the mid-18th
century constituted a real turning point for both the Ottoman economy
and the state apparatus.
full: http://hasrizal.tripod.com/article/worldsystemtheory.htm
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