Re: ON perspective

[MARIPOWER716@xxxxxxx]

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Part 3 of 3
DRAFT OF PROGRAM, Anarcho-Syndicalism 
Reply to Comrade MIYACHI TATSUO

Capital has both internal limits -- surplus value and profits come
from unpaid living labor; and labor-replacing technology drives the
amount of living labor towards zero; and external limits -- we live on
a planet with finite resources and a geographically finite market. The
general crisis of capital -- capital colliding with its internal and
external limits -- has been and will continue to be the inescapable
theme of the world economy today.

A crisis is an interruption. The interruption taking place in the
heads of the world workers is rooted in the economy and the need for a
cooperative society. If we cannot figure out the way to explain to the
workers and a new generation of communist the framework in which we
formulate strategy and tactics then all is lost.  All of course is
never lost and Bolshevikism is alive.
 
With a world economy on the verge of crisis, the American people and
indeed the world proletariat, are unprepared ideologically. There is
awareness that something is wrong and a compassion for the poor but
very little sense of class identity. People are increasingly
anti-government but not anti-capitalist. Any large-scale economic
disruption that happens before the development of class identity on a
broad and organized basis would give the Jesse Venturas and Pat
Buchanan's in our country free rein to capture the economic discontent
with their dangerous ideologies.

History proves that, when things get objectively worse and worse,
people don't automatically get more and more ideologically
revolutionary. Sharp economic crisis and social disruptions haven't
yet hit in the US. But when they do, they will throw more people into
motion and most of these people will follow the path of habit and take
up the solutions offered by the forces of reaction. People will
respond to these economic and social convulsions with their political
backwardness and the ideological rot the ruling class hands them to
fight out the questions of the day and petty bourgeois theories of
race -- unless they have taken up the ideological and political
weapons of class to fight for their actual interests.

Consciousness lags behind the economic reality, but it catches up in
leaps.  Things will move faster in both directions, that is, towards
both class identity and unity and towards fascism and
reaction. Therefore, now is the time to prepare for the convulsions
that will rock society and draw more people into struggle and debate.

This moment holds both great danger and great opportunity. Objective
conditions are bringing our country to a fork in the road. People will
determine which route our country takes.

> 24. Tactics, which argue that social revolution, begins after taking
> over political power, is from lasting revolution theory that
> bourgeois revolution beginning in feudal system makes to last to
> proletariat revolution.  The tactics succeeded in Russia revolution
> 1917, after that USSR established, and it formed 3rd international,
> thus encourage worldwide communist movement. In response that
> bourgeois class maintain its system by socialization of integument
> of valorization.


Actually, the Leninist were able to seize political power â?" the
authority of the state, as the culmination of 25 years battling
opportunism in the labor movement in Russia and defeating the various
petty bourgeois trends in the working class movement. Lenin's July 4,
1920, Theses On the Fundamental Tasks of the Second Congress of the
Communist International summarize the demands place on the communist
as leaders of the working class movement.

The social revolution begins in the economy as the result of the
injection of a new qualitative â??substanceâ?? and the resultant
reconfiguration of the productive forces constitutes an era or leap to
established the predominance of the new quality over the old, and this
entail the battle between classes and the struggle for power. At each
quantitative stage of this process â?" in the past, a cyclical crisis
has emerged as capital fought to reorganize itself and the communist
fought to win over the workers to their class interest.  The communist
could not and cannot exceed the limitations of the class consciousness
of the workers, who they are charged with educating in the art of the
class struggle.

> Association principle usually is grasped as mutual aid and its
> altruist consisted of filling up otherâ??s lack. Instead of
> political will unity as priority, front line of association movement
> which fills up otherâ??s lack de-reify capitalist system globally,
> thus ring the funeral of capitalism.

Political will unit is understood to mean the organization of the
communist into a compact mass, pursuing a common strategic line of
approach in the various social movements. The â??political will
unityâ?? of the communist is always the priority because it is the
communist that are the advanced detachment of the working class; its
leader and teacher. Presenting the question as the need to fight
within the economy is no more than a demand for cooperatives as the
priority for communist. This in my opinion is incorrect.

Form time to time I have used the words associate society or society
of associated producers. When using these terms it has been clarified
to mean a cooperative society where the distribution of the social
product is no longer based on or governed by the contribution of ones
individual labor, or from each according to their ability to each
according to their need. If society of associated producersâ?? means
fighting along a line of organizing the alternative economy, then I
renounce the use of the term because I fight to combine the communist
on the basis of â??political will unityâ?? in order to educate the
workers in the need to fight for power and win status as ruling class
in society to effect the social revolution in their class interest. I
don't renounce the fight for cooperative but explain to the
cooperative movement why the proletarians fight for status as ruling
class is necessary.

If> Association principle usually is grasped as mutual aid and its
altruist consisted of filling up otherâ??s lack< is a simple
translation of â??from each according to their ability to each
according to their needâ?? on the basis of the working class raising
itself as ruling class by defeating the bourgeoisie and consolidating
the state power in its hands, then we are of one mind.

In other words Comrade MIYACHI TATSUO, your proposal as written and
translated, deviates along the lines of Anarcho-Syndicalism, and the
â??Workers Oppositionâ??in Lenin's party in the early 1920s. Between
December 1920 and August 1921, Lenin wrote a series of articles on
this matter. I have in mind his articles,â?? Once Again on the Trade
Unions, the current situation and the mistakes of Trotsky and
Bukharin,â?? â??The Party Crisis,â?? â??Report on Party Unity and the
Anarcho-Syndicalism deviation,â?? â??Summing Up Speech on Party Unity
and the Anarcho-syndicalist Deviation,â?? all located in Volume 32 of
Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers Moscow, 1973.

The demand is always for the formation of the advanced detachment of
the working-class â?" communist into a compact mass no matter what
their individual sphere of work, be it trade unions or cooperatives or
environmental concerns.

> 21. This time requires to break with political party and democracy
> which assume nation state. And now we must reflect association
> principle.

What is needed in America at this juncture of history is the formation
of a broad Party of labor to raise the issues of the working class on
a class basis â??nationwide.â?? The question that squarely faces the
workers is the class rule of the capitalist with its organization of
the economy on the basis of the sell and purchase of labor-power. It
is true that the workers have not learned on the basis of their own
experience that capitalist production relations are the problem, but
such specific learning and educating is the task of the communist.

The organization of a broad Party of labor is not a demand for a broad
Communist Party of the Lenin-type, or even a demand for the
amalgamation of the communist into a league type organization. Rather,
a Party of Labor could wage the indispensable electoral struggle,
which is sufficiently capable of introducing broad class demands and
training the workers in the art of fighting for ones material survival
in the advanced capitalist centers.

The world peoples still remain within the geographic boundaries of
specific multi-national state structures, in as much as the
integration of capital has brought the toilers of the world together,
more than less in all the imperial centers and various national groups
and advanced national groups exist in every pocket of the planet.  To
â??break with political party and democracyâ?? is of course the
historic political demand of anarchism. The exact opposite is urgently
needed, that is the organization of the proletariat into a political
party. When the demand â??to break with political party and
democracyâ?? is combined with the demand to form associate society
formations as the path to social revolution, we have the most
classical political program of the anarcho-syndicalist, pure and
simple.

In history the battle within the Soviet Party against the shouters for
â??workers democracyâ?? came to a head with the so-called â??Workers
Oppositionâ?? who put forward the slogan demanding that the
administration of the entire national economy be entrusted to an
â??All Russian Producers Congress.â??

These oppositionist insisted that the interest of the trade unions
were opposed to those of the Soviet state and the Bolshevik
Party. They held that the trade unions, and not the Party were the
highest form of organization of the working-class. Since that time the
demand for the associate producers society combined with the alleged
need â??to break with political party and democracyâ?? has been the
calling card of the anarcho-syndicalist and the various political
factions of Trotskyism.

History has conclusively prove that what the working class need is a
party of steel to lead the working class and not a â??revolutionary
union movementâ?? or producers organizations in the onslaught against
capital. Anarcho-syndicalism is a historically observable social
phenomenon within the Anglo-American proletariat of which I am part
and parcel, dating back to the Industrial Workers of the World and
running through our history down to the formation of the old League of
Revolutionary Black Workers.

The specific historical deviation from Marxism, which has
characterized my personal development, is in fact anarcho-syndicalism,
which I could only recently break with after thirty years of trade
union work. The historic passivity of the proletariat in the imperial
centers tends to re-enforce this spontaneous striving as the result of
the resistance of the trade union to the encroachments of capital.

It requires a remarkable person, which I am not, to withstand this
historical evolved spontaneous â??pressureâ?? while laboring in the
trade union movement for decades.  This raises the question of the
â??political will unityâ?? of the communist from the standpoint of the
consolidation of a grouping or federation of professional
revolutionaries.

What is meant is that a grouping or federation of professional
revolutionaries is the key to maintaining the balance of
revolutionaries, who as individuals charged with consistently finding
their own bearing. A grouping or federation of professional
revolutionaries is charged with maintaining the purity â?" if you
will, of Marxism by not being absorbed in the â??practicalâ?? social
movement. The radical petty bourgeoisie calls this â??elitismâ?? or
â??vanguardismâ?? and misunderstands why the proletariat needs an
elite or grouping of professional revolutionaries. All of us as
individuals manifest a certain wavering and deviating because we are
not and can never be immune to the interactive pressure in society
that is the unity of all classes striving for material survival.

Communist of the Lenin-Stalin mode are required to frankly admit
errors and separate themselves from faulty thinking and actions. This
reply is my personal repudiation of my very own anarcho-syndicalist
history, which I though I had broken with years ago only to discover
that my formulation of the associate producers society was an
anarcho-syndicalist formulation â?" damn. Let me stay within the realm
of the cooperative society.

In other words Comrade MIYACHI TATSUO, you and I have put forth an
anti-Marxist and anti-Leninist proposition that should be soundly
rejected as a fundamental deviation away from the line of march of the
communist as leaders of the proletarian revolution. I criticize myself
and thank you for crystallizing my error of thinking.

Comradely
Melvin P. 



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