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Doyle's question: What is at stake in Cuba?







> >What is supposed to happen in a Marxist sense then in regard to sex
> >provision by a Marxist understanding of sexuality? I would ask that in a
> >friendly way. What is a sex positive answer that gives us insight as
> >Marxists?
> >thanks,
> >Doyle Saylor

Doyle, sorry for responding late. Let me answer your friendly question in light
of Martha Gimenez's article posted on the list yesterday. I have found Gimenez's
definition of Marxixt-Feminism quite useful for clarifying the prostitution
debate we held here. If you remember, Gimenez correctly describes
Marxist-Feminism as a theoretical position which seeks " to develop the
potential of Marxist theory to understand the capitalist sources of the
oppression of women". From what I get here, unlike other historically contingent
systems of patriarchal oppression predating capitalism, capitalism develops a
unique form of patriarchy, _capitalist patriarchy_ that maintains the
exploitation of women at home by their husbands (or lovers) _and_ in the market
place by capitalist bosses. While capitalism transforms the patriarchal basis of
the family by throwing women in the market place, it continues to exploit
women's labor in ways unique to capitalism: Exploitative factory labor,
feminization of poverty, surplus transfer from working class women, highly
commercialized sex work, world wide trafficking of women (children), compulsory
sex trade, etc. Accordingly, Marxist-feminists do not only aim to _understand_
the complex mechanisms of this gender oppression under capitalist societies,
BUT also _struggles_ to _oppose_ it and _replace_ it with a better system
where all forms of exploitation, including wage labor, are supposed to cease (I
am leaving aside the variations under actually existing socialisms for a while)

If we apply this broad characterization to prostitution debate, what should we
get out of it as Marxist men and women? Under the realities of global
capitalism, increasing trafficking and massive commodificatioon of women's
bodies (especially poor and working class women in the periphery of the world
system) is a social fact, and we need to _oppose_ this. Although some feminists
argue that prostitution empowers women, and is not only an alternative form of
"work" but also a tool of resistance in a male dominated world, their views
sound "extremely parochial when their analysis is applied to a global context"
(Jaggar). What they lack to see is that capitalist states *do* facilitate and
benefit from women's trafficking, despite bans and treaties on prostitution. As
long as capitalism exists, anti-banning of prostitution will not provide a
solution either, because sex industry has gained an international character. Sex
industry is a free trade capitalism at the moment, and we marxists are not
supposed to choose free market solutions to women's issues or any issue at stake
currently. What I am trying to argue is that whereas acknowledging workers's
rights to form unions are important, acknowleding sex workers' rights to
negotiate the terms of sex are too important. Prostitutes should be able to
decide what and how much work they will provide to clients in the sex- labor
market. They should be able to bargain sex hours and demand safe working
conditions from the state. Sex workers' unions are designed to accomplish these
goals in a liberal economic order. However, what is _more_ important is to
acknowledge the limitations of restricting women's emancipatory goals to short
term economic goals and suppy-demand mentality in the market .This simple
economistic mentality, feminizing Lenin, detracts attention from larger
political goals and has apolitical effects on the feminist movement. In the
final analysis, we oppose capitalist institutions of oppression. That is why, we
are marxists. What is necessary therefore is to build up a revolutionary/
Marxist-Feminist consciousness among men and women as a platform to discuss
these issues for the replacement of the capitalist patriarchal order with a
system that no longer forces women (and men) to choose between "abstract
freedom" and slavery..


comradely,

Xxxx


--

Xxxx Xxxxx Xxxxxx
PhD Student
Department of Political Science
SUNY at Albany
Nelson A. Rockefeller College
135 Western Ave.; Milne 102
Albany, NY 12222



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