Re: Cuban democracy

[Norman Mikalac <mikalac@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

thank you for extensive and interesting synopsis of Cuban democracy.

questions: does the book cover in detail who among the NA, PA and the
President's staff (executive) make which economic decisions?  example:
who prepares and approves the economic plan?

thanks for your response.

norm


Louis Proyect wrote:
>
> (This was written by Australian DSP'er Rachel E. for the CubaSi mailing
> list on egroups.com.)
>
> Hiya all: this is the book review I have done on this wonderful book.
> Everyone should get a copy: it is a must for all of us trying to set the
> record straight on Cuban democracy. I took a while with this review: my
> apologise to Arnold August: I have been pretty sick.
>
> Pass on the book review if you would like to other lists interested in the
> Cuba democracy question. I am putting it in Green Left Weekly
>
> http://www.greenleft.org.au
>
> Revolutionary Cheers, Rachel E
>
> Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-98 Elections
> Arnold August
> Editorial Jose Marti,
> La Habana Cuba, 1999, 410 pages
> Canada Distribution and Publishing
> cuba@xxxxxx
>
> Ever wanted an accurate description of Cuba's socialist democracy? Or to
> know how the Cuban People's Power structures work? Then this is the book
> for you.
>
> Tracing democracy in Cuba from the struggle against Spanish and US
> colonialism to Cuba's present day democratic structures, August Arnold
> breaths clarity into a discussion distorted by America's propaganda
> offensive. Given that the Cuban Revolution is the longest surviving
> socialist democracy, this book is highly significant, and should be on
> every revolutionary's bookshelf.
>
> While perhaps a little too uncritical, Arnold August has nevertheless
> provided readers with a crucial insight into Cuban democratic system.
>
> The Fight Against Spanish and US Colonialism
>
> August points out that the Spaniards knew Cuba as the "Ever-Faithful Isle".
> While most other Spanish colonies were rising up in the early to mid
> 1880's, the Cuban Creole elite, fearing the 40% slave population, kept the
> Spanish, and their military might, onside. Hence, the 1886 First War of
> Independence failed, due to the division in it's leadership. The only
> concession forced from the Spanish was farcical multi-party elections.
>
> The author chronicles the 1895 Second War of Independence, under the
> principled leadership of Jose Marti, which challenged the inherent
> conservatism of the Creole elite. However, on the eve of winning in 1898,
> the US entered the war and bought elections to Cuba under military rule.
> Even with only 5% of the population given the vote, the 1900 elections saw
> many independence fighters elected to the Constituent Assembly. Faced with
> intransigent elected officials the US forced the infamous Platt Amendment
> on the newly elected Cuban parliament.
>
> As the author documents, the Amendment gave the US the right to
> intervention "for the preservation of Cuban independence and the
> maintenance of a stable government adequately protecting life, property and
> individual liberty". By only one vote, in June 1901, the Cuban Assembly
> accepted the Platt Amendment.
>
> As "Democracy in Cuba" explores, from 1901 to 1952 Cuba was subjected to
> farcical US backed multi-Party elections which saw US backed Cuban
> politicians bribe, beat and rig their way into Parliament. US investment
> dominated the Cuban economy. By 1926 the majority of the sugar crop was
> produced by U.S. mills. 22% of all land and 90% of all electrical power was
> in the hands of the US. The Cuban masses did not take US subjugation lying
> down.
>
> As August explains, the most nerve wracking period for US was the 1933
> uprising. The Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) was a significant political
> force and was frequently attacked by Liberal and Conservative governments
> alike. A near general strike led to a military take-over, led by Batista
> which ousted the Machado government. Strikes continued in the 40's and 50's
> and both Liberal and Conservative governments lost credibility and an
> inability to hold back the tide of anti-US change. In 1952 Batista's behind
> the scenes role ended, he took power and an open dictatorship period
> ensued, ensuring US dominance over the country.
>
> The Revolution of 1959
>
> As Democracy in Cuba recounts: in 1953 a group of revolutionaries attacked
> the Moncada Barracks and the July 26 Movement was born. Fidel Castro,
> arrested, gave the famous "History Will Absolve Me" speech from the court
> room and inspired the nation to fight its neo-colonial oppressors. The
> anti-Batista struggle was led by three organisations.
>
> The J26M was made up of workers, intellectuals, students and peasants.
> Their position was strongest in the mountains, the Sierra Maestra, but they
> were involved in the urban struggle as well. Frank Pais a well known trade
> unionist in the J26M,  joined after hearing Castro's History will Absolve
> Me. When Batista murdered Pais in 1957, **it** (the J26M or the murder?)
> led an unprecedented wave of strikes in Santiago, and in other cities as
> well. The Directrio Revolutionario 13 de Marzo was a student organisation
> and worked with J26M. The Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) was made up of
> mainly workers and concentrated on the urban struggle.
>
> Liberated Areas
>
> Democracy on Cuba explains the democratic structures of the Cuban
> Revolution as evolving through struggle. The liberated areas in the
> countryside (from 1954-59), (Territoro Libre) not only pushed the
> neo-colonial army out. They adopted new laws and introduced the first
> Workers and Peasant Congresses. Illiteracy in the areas was eradicated and
> agrarian reform initiated, among other initiatives.
>
> After the Revolution
>
> August chronicles the post-revolutionary experience. Revolutionary Militias
> formed, with workers and peasants being trained in military service.
> Revolutionary Tribunals were also formed to deliver justice to former
> Batista cronies and army officials. The gradual transformation of economic
> power into the hands of the people included land reform: all holdings
> restricted to 1000 hectares, with some exceptions of 3,333 hectares.
> Nationalisation of land and industry progressed between August and October
> 1960; 41% of land was expropriated, 95% or industry was nationalised, 98%
> construction, 95% transport, 75% retail and 100% wholesale trade.
>
> The links made between the three main revolutionary organisations was
> solidified in this time with unification, eventually leading to the Cuban
> Communist Party.
>
> As Castro said at the time "To the people whose desperate lives through
> life have been paved with the bricks of betrayals and false promises, we
> were not going to say: We will eventually give you what you need, but
> rather-Here have it, fight for it with all your might so that liberty and
> happiness may be yours".
>
> The 1959 Revolution, 60's and 70's:
>
> August highlights some of the policies of the revolutionary government,
> noting that between January and September of 1959, about 1,500 decrees and
> laws were enacted. Urban rent was reduced between 30-50%, telephone and
> electricity rates were reduced. Cane cutters wages were increased by 15%.
> The unemployed received jobs and discrimination against blacks was abolished.
>
> August argues the mass of Cubans were involved and leading the revolution,
> and that is made clear in the mass assemblies the provisional government
> held in 59 and beyond.
>
> August documents that the first, on Jan 17, attended by more than a million
> Cubans, was held to call on the people to defend the revolution and to
> decide what to do with Batista's agents.  The next, on Jan 22 examined the
> prospect of elections. More than a million Cubans attended and booed down
> the elections proposal. August explains "In the minds of the people,
> elections were associated with the neo-colonial regime's multi-party system
> or the even more fraudulent elections under the open dictatorship, the last
> of which took place in 1958."
>
> Democracy in Cuba quotes the First Havana Declaration in Sept 2 1960,
> discussed at another mass assembly. "The National General Assembly of the
> People of Cuba expresses its conviction that democracy cannot consist only
> in an electoral vote, which is almost always fictitious and handled by big
> landlords and professional politicians, but in the rights of citizens to
> decide, as this Assembly of the People is now doing, their own destiny." At
> this meeting another proposal for elections was put to the people. People
> spontaneously chanted for over seven minutes against the holding of
> elections. More than one million people voted to approve The Havana
> Declaration.
>
> August describes early Cuban democracy involving more that just mass
> assembly meetings. Local governments were reorganised, with representatives
> of the mass organisations being elected onto local bodies. The Comites de
> Defensa de la Revolucion (CDRs) played another crucial role in organising
> and mobilising the people. Created in September 1960, in the wake of
> sabotage and US threats each side of the street had a CDR committee. In
> 1972 CDRs **were comprised of** (included?) 70% of the Cuban population.
>
> The book cites the failure to meet the 100,000 tons of sugar quota set by
> the provisional government as the catalyst for further institutionalising
> the revolution. The Cuban assessment was that the position of workers, as
> far as decision-making at the local level was concerned, had been
> increasingly reduced to a symbolic one. August argues it was acknowledged
> that, to a certain extent, the Party had placed too much emphasis on the
> day-to-day running of the state and the economic enterprises to the
> detriment of **the** (their?) role as moral and political authority.
>
> Measures adopted
>
> August documents ~~ the 1970s revamping ~~ of mass organisations and a
> clarification over the PCC's role. In many administrative positions workers
> began to replace PCC cadre. In May 1970 a pilot election project went ahead
> in the Province of Mananza. The pilot elections a success, the new
> constitution was discussed in the mass organisations and in workplaces.
> After this consultation a referendum was held with 98% of the population
> voting; **97.7%** (of the population or of the voters?) voting for the
> constitution.
>
> Elections took place across the country in 1976. By the 1980's one third of
> the national economy was under local municipal assembly (LMA) supervision.
> Between 1977-83 local industries under the supervision of LMAs tripled
> their output in value.
>
> The author stressed that mass meetings did not end with the introduction of
> elections to the Organs of People's Power. Mass workplace meetings took
> place during the 1986 "Rectification" period. The economic crisis in the
> 90s saw over 3,500,00 Cubans participate in 80,000 assemblies in which
> 1,000,000 speakers took the floor, raising 500 issues.
>
> Organs of People's Power: Elections in Cuba
>
> Arnold witnessed the 1997-98 elections in Cuba and gives a detailed account
> of the process.
>
> The Cuban electoral system broadly reflects a pyramid structure. Delegates
> are elected by the people to the municipal (local), provincial (covering
> 10-15 municipals) and National Assemblies. All delegates are accountable
> and recallable to the people who elected them. Most delegates don't receive
> a wage and have to continue their original job while working as a delegate.
> The paid delegates receive an average workers wage. Hence, there are no
> formal material privileges in becoming a delegate. Anyone who is over 16,
> and neither in prison nor deemed mentally unfit, can vote and become a
> delegate. All voting is voluntary.
>
> Cuban Elections to the local municipal assemblies (LMA) take place every
> 2.5 years and delegates to the National and Provincial Assemblies are
> elected for a 5 year term. All delegates to all levels are elected directly
> by the people. Prior to the 1992 changes only municipal delegates were
> directly elected.
>
> Democracy in Cuba explains the LMAs role. They take care of housing, food,
> health, education and plays an important political role: to involve the
> people in day to day running of their system. As Havana has 2 million
> people, there are 15 municipalities within it. Havana makes up one of
> Cuba's 14 Provinces.
>
> The LMAs are further divided up into constituents for elections. In the
> Plaza de la Revolucion municipal there are 104 delegates; one for every
> constituent. An average constituent covers six small blocks.
>
> Electoral Colleges are established, small enough for people to come,
> register and see who is registered to vote. On average there are 300 people
> per college. Voting takes place in these colleges.
>
> Nomination meetings for municipal elections take place in small nomination
> areas. Constituents are divided into smaller areas, with 100 or so people
> in it and nominations come from the floor. Meetings are held where people
> live, in the street, park or meeting hall. Anyone can turn up, but only
> registered persons can vote.
>
> At least two people must be nominated. Voters can nominate people not in
> their nomination area and political motivations, by law, have to follow
> nominations. From September 3-27 a total of 36,343 nomination assemblies
> had taken place.
>
> Municipal Elections
>
> The nominees submit a one paged biography which is placed in the electoral
> colleges for all to see. The biography lists their age, education, which
> organisations they're involved in and a blurb as to how they see their role
> as delegate. Most of the people in the constituent know the nominees
> already and the biographies stand as a reminder. The biographies are posted
> up for a month as life goes on as normal. No money enters the Cuban
> elections, there's no bribing for votes, no number crunching pre-selection
> process.
>
> Democracy in Cuba explains, according to law, PCC's plays no formal role in
> the electoral process. Contrary to US propaganda, anyone can get elected to
> Cuban Parliament. People vote for candidates who are known to them, and who
> they have listened to, and questioned. People who are anti-revolution can
> get elected: it's just that people don't elect them because their political
> perspectives are unpopular. Candidates aren't elected on the basis of their
> Party membership: they're elected on the role they have played in the
> community and the work they have done in Cuban society.
>
> On election day Cubans show their identity cards at the electoral colleges
> and the vote takes place under the eyes of schoolchildren. On October 1997
> 97.59% of the population voted. Only 3.98% were spoiled and 3.23% blank.
> Only 47.65% of the delegates were re-elected.
>
> Provincial and National Elections
>
> The Provincial Assembly oversees issues in its larger geographical area.
> Roads,  child-care, education, health, are all overseen on a larger scale
> in the PA.
>
> The National Assembly, made up of 601 delegates, meets twice a year and has
> permanent working bodies which meet daily, weekly etc. The NA elects the 31
> members of the Council of State which meets during the times the NA is not
> sitting.
>
> August explains the changes to the electoral system in 1992 which saw 50%
> of the municipal assembly delegates nominated and elected to the Provincial
> and National Assemblies. Delegates to the Provincial and National Assembly
> are people who are national leaders in their fields; from sports, to
> journalism, medicine, to politics. Nominees are not nominated primarily by
> local meetings, but through meetings of mass organisations and workplaces
> and neighborhoods on a local, provincial and national level. The process is
> overseen by the candidacy commissions (CCs) which are formed on all three
> levels.
>
> The National Candidacy Commission, prior to 1992 changes, was headed by
> someone appointed by the PCC. Now, the head of the Cuban trade union
> Federation (CTC) heads the commission. The commissions (local, provincial
> and national) cannot be headed by anyone nominated during the nominations
> process. Mass organisations, particularly the CDR's appoint activists to
> the candidacy commissions.
>
> By law, the CCs are required to consult as many people as possible in the
> nominations process. In 1997 there were 60,000 nominations from the
> consultation process. A list of 300 of the most people nominated gets taken
> back to the mass organisations, neighbourhoods and workplaces to see what
> support it gets. When that process is over the list of 300 gets taken to
> the newly elected Municipal Assembly and voted upon.
>
> According to August's research the 1997 national and provincial nomination
> process consulted 1,600,00 people.  The Municipal Assembly can reject the
> 300 nomination slate in full or in part and can change/nominate other
> people. All pre-candidates must get 50% or more of the vote and if the 50%
> isn't reached then the Municipal Candidacy Commission must propose other
> candidates.
>
> When the vote is taken the candidates are allocated districts (electoral
> districts are proposed by the Municipal Candidacy Commission and not all
> delegates live in the district they're allocated) and the task of getting
> to know their district begins.
>
> Some of the candidates are well known national/local figures but even if
> that is the case all candidates must meet with workers and workplaces, in
> neighbourhood meetings, with students, within their alloted electoral
> district.  So people have a chance to meet and question them. Biographies
> of candidates are also placed in the electoral colleges so people can read
> them at their leisure.
>
> In one district there might be eight people standing; three of whom are
> known locally. All eight meet with the district's constituency, to give
> people a chance to know them and have confidence to vote for them.
>
> One of the well known candidates for the Plaza de la Revolucion, studied by
> Arnold August, was Ricardo Alcon. At a meeting with workers on foreign
> trade Alcon addressed the "voto unido" (united vote) question.
>
> The united vote consists of people voting for everyone on the electoral
> slate presented by the candidacy commissions.
>
> Alcon said voto unido was not enforced through discipline and citizens can
> vote for who they wish, for more or no candidates. However should the less
> notable candidates not be voted for?
>
> The answer he gave was no: citizens must get to know all the candidates
> through meetings and reading the biographies, convincing themselves that
> all the candidates are worthy delegates and vote united.
>
> After almost two months of nominees meeting with the people, election day
> arrives.
>
> January 11 1998, almost 6 months after the process began and election day
> arrives. There are two ballots: one for deputies to the National Assembly
> and the other for the Provincial. 98.5% of the eligible population voted
> and 95.45% of the population cast a voto unido. The protest vote declined:
> from 3.99% in 1993 to 1.66% in 1998. At least 90% of the population voted
> for the revolution. Castro himself got more than 99% of the vote. [** Does
> everyone vote on Castro? Was this a vote for Castro to take a position in
> the national leadership, or just the national assembly? **]
>
> Of the 601 delegates elected, 166 are women. One hundred and eighty-nine
> delegates are between the ages of eighteen and forty, 374 are between the
> age of forty-one and sixty, and 38 deputies are older than 60 years of age.
>
> The only negative aspect of the book is the lack of acknowledgment given to
> former socialist democratic experiences in providing a precedent for Cuba's
> democratic system.
>
> August correctly argues that the Cuban workers have political and economic
> power, and that this is the basis for any real democracy. Nevertheless he
> overlooks the Marxist influence on Cuban democratic structures; i.e the
> Paris Commune of 1871 and Russian revolution pre-Stalin.
>
> Apart from that omission, his account of Cubans own struggle against
> Spanish and U.S. colonialism and U.S. neo-colonialism as the impetus for
> the evolution of their own democratic model, is very thorough and convincing.
>
> August also omits the most exciting part of any democracy: debate and
> disagreements. Many Cuban delegates, while enthusiastic supporters of the
> revolution, will tell you of problems with the structure and lack of debate
> that characterise the National Assemblies. Perhaps more of these delegates
> points of view would have given a more balanced picture of Cuban democracy.
>
> Louis Proyect
> Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org/