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Free prisoners on hungerstrike (Turkey)

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<TITLE>DAILY EVENTS HUNGERSTRIKE </TITLE>
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<center><h1>FREE PRISONERS</h1></center>

Despite the pressure and the massacres , the resistance of the DHKP-C priso=
ners continues. They are challenging fascism with an universal characterist=
ic which determines the nature of a political prisoner.<br>
The resistance varies and it sometimes goes as far as death, as was shown r=
ecently in Buca and Umraniye. Nowadays, the resistance spreads to all pris=
ons all over the country. This kind of resistance is seen by the people as =
resistance of the =93Free Prisoners=94. <br>
The heroes of resistance in Buca answered their commanders of the DHKP-C, a=
fter they had to sacrifice three people in their resistance: =93Our resista=
nce in Buca was not a spontaneous reaction, not a momentary solution. This =
honourable tradition stems from a well-founded artery; changing the dungeon=
s of the enemy into a school of the revolution behind the walls with our wa=
y of life, our politics and the line of the Party-Front is a expression of =
this nature=94.<br>
The fighters on the barricades in the Umraniye-prison lost three comrades a=
s well. These, and other events in other prison institutions, are the facts=
of life for the prisoners from the Revolutionary Front.<br>
They are all =93Free Prisoners=94 with their lives, their ideas and their r=
esistance.<br>
Our country made a step in the direction of freedom with the resistance and=
the struggle of the revolutionary prisoners. <br>
To understand the strive for independence, one has to know about the way of=
life of the revolutionary prisoners, their way of thinking, their psyche a=
nd their politics. This is also necessary to understand the truth in our co=
untry and the reality of the war. =

There is a process of separation and new formation inside the prisons. Howe=
ver, this is not a separation between the legal and illegal struggle, indep=
endent from the division within the workers in the unions and the civil wor=
kers. And this is not a separation which is independent from the division w=
ith in the youth, the division inside Gazi, and the divisions in the armed =
struggle and fight. The war of fronts inside the prisons shows the division=
from the reformists in all aspects of life, and it accelerates this proces=
s at the same time.<br>
The prisoners have shown and proven the real mission of the =93Free Prisone=
rs=94 to the revolutionaries in other fields and to the people with their r=
esistance. <br>
Our revolutionary people=92s liberation fighters have shown clearly to the =
friends and the enemies that, no matter what the conditions are, they will =
not allow themselves or the people to be surrendered to the enemy. They wil=
l give their lives, if necessary, but they will never capitulate.<br>
The practice of the Free Prisoners inside the prisons is on open and clear =
call to the people and the revolutionaries. With their conviction and deter=
mination, shown by putting their own lives at stake, they give confidence t=
o the people for the coming revolution.<br>
=93Free Prisoners=94, that=92s the name of the front-line war inside the pr=
isons. It originates from the past and constitutes a new form of detention.=
Of course, this has not been easy. The =93Free Prisoners=94 have not won t=
his mission without problems. This form of detention developed from a proce=
ss of numerous ordeals, different forms of struggles with the enemy, agains=
t capitulation, and a ideological struggle evolved.
<center><h2>THE FREE PRISONERS HAVE CATEGORICALLY SEPARATED THEMSELVES FROM=
THE SYSTEM</h2></center>
Every organisation has had a prison policy of its own. The prisoners, albe=
it positively or negatively influenced by each other, showed different char=
acteristics in this separated policy. Decisive in this policy was the quest=
ion whether or not to separate from the system in ideology, policy and tact=
ics. The prisoners from the DHKP-C represent the view of separating from th=
e system in this matter.<br>
A DHKP-prisoner has always been, and is today, separated from the system an=
d he carries this kind of detention to all the others. <p>
Those who could not separate from the system, unified from one day to the o=
ther with the system outside, and they carried their tactics openly to the =
prisons in many different names and sorts. Without any perspective and no c=
laim to power, they do not see themselves as representatives of the struggl=
e and the people. Although they do not preach capitulation, there is nothin=
g else left for them.<p>
For us, the prisons just constitute a different field of struggle, the pris=
oners who are faithful to the system exaggerate the special meaning of the =
prisons and they separate themselves from the fight outside the prisons. To=
limit the resistance inside the prisons to better conditions of life insid=
e and following an according prison policy results in separation. Large par=
ts of the Left have been advocates of such a policy inside the prisons. For=
the DHKP-C prisoners the main aim during the years of the junta was to eli=
minate the conditions inside the prisons which had been forced by the oliga=
rchy and had been accepted by the other leftists. From this elimination, a =
revolutionary kind of prisoner evolved and parallel to the developing war, =
the =93Free Prisoners=94 of the DHKP-C, as a continuation of Devrimci Sol, =
became fact.
<center><h2>THE BASIC FOUNDATION FOR THE FREE PRISONERS WAS LAID ALREADY DU=
RING THE YEARS OF THE JUNTA</h2></center>
The Free Prisoners originate from the =9170, the years of the THKP-C and th=
e THKO. They brought down a tradition of 50 years of revisionism, outside i=
n =93freedom=94, as well as inside the dungeons. The walls of =93passive de=
tention=94, advocated by the TKP, were brought down and there is a continuo=
s line to the present day revolutionary prisoners. <br>
In 1921 the TKP were faced with 51 arrests and they have had people inside =
the prisons during all periods. But the TKP has never had a revolutionary p=
rison policy. In that time there was a lot of talk about the history of rev=
olution in a lot of countries in the world and the TKP wasn=92t inspired, i=
n no way, by the resistance inside the prisons in those days. They demanded=
legality from the state and by a good behaviour of the prisoners inside, t=
he TKP tried to guarantee security from this front. The TKP-kind of detenti=
on which resulted from this is only concerned with getting the sentence beh=
ind, and self-preservation. And they didn=92t even succeed in doing this. T=
hey didn=92t succeed in preventing the formation of an intellectual elite, =
they didn=92t succeed in sharing the bread as in a community life. They pre=
fer this kind of being a convict. But this will fail, just like the revisio=
nist and reformist tradition. They will get to know the present =93resistan=
ce=94 in the prisons. They will get to know the collectives. The revolution=
aries will get conscious that prisons are places of organisation and activi=
ties as well. The biggest blow until now was delivered to them by Mohair an=
d his friend when they escaped from Maltepe-prison. Even though it was just=
the first step, it has been decisive for the revolutionary prisoners. <br>=

Especially in the =9180s and the beginning of the period of the junta, this=
notion developed. In this phase, the Free Prisoners evolved through experi=
ence and learning, lessons from the hard struggle and sacrifices. While out=
side the prisons nobody dared to act against the junta, the resistance of t=
he prisoners grew, based on their conviction, strength and trust. The priso=
ners even fought against the massacres in Palestine and against the murder =
of miners in Zonguldak, because they saw this is their duty, even though th=
e attacks and the violence against them heightened. This also shows the sen=
sibility of the prisoners. Their bodies may be incarcerated between four wa=
lls, but the oligarchy does not succeed in jailing their brains and courage=
=2E The prisoners use every piece of paper to educate and learn, to change =
the prisons into revolutionary schools, despite the measures which are take=
n against them. =93Do not accept prisons inside the prisons=94. Thus they s=
tood up against liberalism, lack of discipline, bohemian behaviour, distrac=
tion, lack of plans. The Free Prisoners want to develop and broaden the org=
anisation inside the prisons, to create discipline, productivity, collectiv=
ity, and a vivid organisation, based on a revolutionary understanding.<br>
When they tried to organise a 2-day hungerstrike, the Free Prisoners met re=
sistance by the other prisoners who even advocated the acceptance of the pr=
ison uniforms in a 20-30 paged document and thus neglected the real duties =
of a prisoner. In these conditions, the Free Prisoners were confronted with=
the pressure and the exploits of the junta on the one hand, and the strugg=
le against opportunism on the other. <br>
Some opportunist elements were on the side of resistance as well, but they =
withdrew. Their tried to keep their losses low and do as least as possible.=
They didn=92t look at the attacks from the perspective of a revolutionary =
politician, nor from the viewpoint of the junta, they looked at it from the=
view of being responsible for themselves, a view which was short-sighted. =
=93We can not do anything=94 against the situation and the coercion inside =
the prisons, because this will back-fire against the revolution, we are nee=
ded outside; this was the often repeated slogan of opportunism. Their view =
was determined by a narrow horizon, the mistrust at defeats and personal wi=
shes, and they constantly failed at the politics of the oligarchy. This res=
ulted in their own dissolvement or the breakdown of revolutionary resistanc=
e. <br>
The unsteady opportunists hoped for more democracy with the elections, but =
their expectations were not met. When the ANAP formed the government, the p=
ractice of the junta was continued with attacks against the prisoners. At t=
his point, the hungerstrike till death was taken on the agenda. <p>
In the attacks against the prisoners, concerning the prison uniforms, the o=
pportunists advocated the acceptance of these uniforms with all their skill=
s. <br>
They argued their behaviour with theses which clearly contained a decrease =
in judicial claims and which were provocative. The oligarchy used the priso=
n uniforms as a pretext and did not keep it judicial promises. Our opportun=
ists wanted to take away their pretexts and they accepted the uniforms. But=
their theory of pretexts was wrong, and secondly the prison uniforms were =
taken as an item in the political warfare. When this demand was met, the cl=
aims for the other rights would have been taken care of, politically speaki=
ng. The uniforms were accepted, but the other rights were not granted. And =
so the theory of pretexts failed, because the state formulated new demands.=
Now the prisoners were required to button up their uniforms and wear their=
identity cards on their collars. And the opportunists gave in to their wis=
hes, again to take away their pretexts. But the end was not in sight. And t=
here wouldn=92t be one. Now, there had to be an end to the oligarchy=92s po=
licy, they had to be answered by resistance. Claiming that the prisoners we=
re alienated, the opportunists explained the hungerstrike till death in a w=
rong way, declaring that it was a suicidal action, not approved by the orga=
nisations. They also said that the prisons were not a place for struggle. <=
br>
The Devrimci Sol and TIKB prisoners did what was necessary. If necessary, t=
hey would die and show they would never surrender and that they would break=
the enemy=92s strength. And it proved to be necessary, and they died. Thei=
r bodies were subjected to the pressure of the enemy, but their ideas were =
free, they could develop freely and live up to their responsibility toward =
the people, the revolution and their comrades. To be under pressure is some=
thing else as letting this pressure influence the mind. When the enemy=92s =
terror is transformed to fear and scepticism in the victim, then one can no=
longer speak about freedom and revolutionary prisoners. The hungerstrike t=
ill death was a call to freedom.
<center><h2>THE TRUTH ABOUT THE WAR AND THE PRISONS</h2></center>
The dungeons are theatres of war. The class struggle appeared on all levels=
inside the country. The policy of the oligarchy against the people will ex=
tend to an area where it will have to deal with the most courageous and dil=
igent warriors. As an example of the people, a revolutionary prisoner has t=
o continue his war inside the prison. A people=92s movement which gives in,=
can never progress, will not grow, and will never win. When blows and temp=
orary defeats lead to capitulation and surrender, a new uprising will be vi=
rtually impossible.<br>
Prison is not a dug-out on a football field. Only because a revolutionary h=
as become a prisoner, this is not to say he is separated from the people an=
d the war. Essentially this can only be a physical separation. While the pr=
isoner wages a economical, democratic struggle in his area, he looks for, a=
nd finds, ways to participate in the people=92s war. This can be an escape =
>from prison, the transformation of prison into a school, protests or forms =
of holding people accountable. The true line of a revolutionary prisoner co=
nsists of still participating in the war, to live, think, and shape his pol=
icy and activities accordingly.<br>
And it is a framework like this which is chosen by the Free Prisoner for hi=
s struggle. Fascism lost against the persistence of revolutionary resistanc=
e, it had to withdrew, and it had to grant new rights inside the prisons. B=
ut fascism also attacked whenever there was an opportunity and it tried to =
take away the granted rights from the prisoners. This was the natural cause=
of the war on the prison front. And this was the picture of the prisons fo=
r a long time. That it doesn=92t become a never-ending circle for the revol=
utionary prisoners, is guaranteed by the struggle for more rights. This str=
uggle is not a temporary self-defence, it is a continuous demand for new ri=
ghts. <p>
One should not view the prisoners=92 struggle, their tasks, their successes=
and failures during actions, as individual standards. There will also be p=
hases in the struggle where the quest for rights will not be possible. As s=
tated before, the war inside the prisons is politically motivated. In this,=
the Free Prisoners show the collapse of the will-power of the oligarchy an=
d the ultimate victory of the revolutionaries. The strength of the enemy wi=
ll be forced to retreat because of the numerous acts of resistance, and the=
superiority and invincibility of revolutionary will-power will be shown by=
the hungerstrikes till death and jail-breaks. This will-power was also sho=
wn in the maximum security blocks despite the intense acts of terror and pr=
ohibitions. A prisoner who participated in the resistance in Buca explains =
about the event: =93... The prisoners were so exhausted, they couldn=92t st=
and on their feet anymore. But their will was still standing up. The invinc=
ibility of revolutionary dignity, the inviolable revolutionary personality,=
and the reddening of the prison corridors with the blood of the prisoners =
have entered history.=94
<center><h2>TO SHED THE LIGHT FROM THE DUNGEONS TO THE OUTSIDE</h2></center=
>
The reaction in the other prisons to the massacre in Umraniye are a lesson =
for the people outside. With their limited possibilities of action the pris=
oners pose questions to the outside and they make propositions. A compariso=
n between the answer of the prisoners to the attacks with that from those o=
n the outside, who pose as an organisation, is significant.<br>
In the years of the junta, the opportunist criticised the line of Devrimci =
Sol, they were said to see the prisons as their headquarters. They defended=
their dismissal of the propositions with this theory. This pretext contain=
s paradoxical and right-tendency motives.<br>
To put it bluntly: Devrimci Sol did not take this criticism seriously. Whet=
her the prisons are command posts are not, this is of no important role. Th=
e prisons are fronts of the war as well, and the revolutionaries have to fu=
lfil their duties there as well. As on all fronts, there are phases of prog=
ress and phases of retreat inside the prisons as well. Decisive is not to a=
ccept the strength of the enemy. As on all fronts in the war, the duties in=
this field will be different, according to the demands every phase poses. =
<br>
In the time of the junta, the prisons stepped forwards inevitably. This was=
clear to the junta as well. Their call to surrender was not only directed =
to the prisoners, it was directed to the people as well. That=92s why the c=
all to resist should come from the prisons. The Devrimci Sol prisoners unde=
rstood this duty and they fulfilled their duties, sacrificing martyrs. <br>=

And it is obvious that the prisons were a motor of Devrimci Sol=92s develop=
ment. There is no doubt about that. Devrimci Sol accepted the heritage of t=
he Free Prisoners and the resistance. Others, not the owners of such a heri=
tage, tried to take part in it in a war of survival.<br>
The prisoners from the PKK joined the ranks of the opportunists. Now they a=
lso advocated another kind of prisonership. The true prison policy with the=
best tactics on a sound basis is conducted by the DHKP-C. <br>
The revolutionary in prison will take the warriors as example and will cont=
inue their war inside the prison and speak to the people from this front. T=
here can be nothing wrong about that. This is necessary. To accept the oppo=
site view, that this should be the task of those on the outside, would be n=
othing else as following the aim of the oligarchy, and this would mean that=
the mind is imprisoned as well. <br>
Let=92s look at the events of the last 3-4 days. Didn=92t the prisoners in =
Umraniye and the other prisons play an avant-garde role for the opposition =
in society with their resistance against the oligarchy? The one who resists=
, who fights, who extends the struggle on whatever level, he fulfils his du=
ty as an example.
A prisoner can not evade this task. Others will fulfil their tasks in other=
areas. If the revolutionaries are examples to the people, they will follow=
this mission outside and inside the prisons. <br>
Especially in the time of the junta, when the prisons were filled with the =
leaders, the important cadres, and the fighters of many political movements=
, it was nonsensical to talk about the question whether the prisons were th=
e command posts of the organisations or not. =

The cadres and fighters inside the prisons should have followed a beneficia=
l line, considering their historical responsibility. The essential problem =
in this case was obvious. <br>
But the left were fighting amongst each other, because they forgot their re=
sponsibility and the aim of fulfilling an exemplary function and they only =
thought about being released soon to piece their organisation together on t=
he outside. Of course, they didn=92t admit this; instead they put there con=
duct in a theoretical framework. The Free Prisoners have made their opinion=
clear to prisoners who thought like that, they have made this known to oth=
er prisoners and all kind of political movements. <br>
The Free Prisoners do not see a difference between the form of struggle, th=
e way of the revolution, and revolutionary life in- and outside of prison. =
=93We are imprisoned, we must be freed from this duty, we=92re in prison, t=
he decisions, the demands and policy do not apply to us=94: such an opinion=
does not exist for the Free Prisoners. <br>
The prisoners are concerned with exactly the opposite. They are looking for=
a way how they can bring the Party-Front=92s policy into the prisons, look=
ing for ways to contribute to the expansion of the war. <p>
Of course, the Free Prisoner wants better prison conditions as well, but on=
ly because it will be easier then to transform the prisons into schools of =
the revolution. He looks for better prison conditions from his place in the=
struggle. For this, he designates his life. The prisoners from Devrimci So=
l and the DHKP-C have already in the days of the junta after 1980 build a b=
arricade against the oligarchy with their disciplined work of education, mo=
re disciplined as it was outside the prisons, and with their organised life=
=2E They had to be more disciplined as on the outside, because there was a =
direct and continuous confrontation with the enemy, and the struggle again=
st him was heavier. To decrease the struggle, statements like =93something =
like that is impossible=94, adopt bourgeois hopes: this doesn=92t exist for=
the Free Prisoners. Even though the revolutionaries are prisoners as well,=
they still are at war. The prisoners of Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C have t=
ried for the last 15 years to free themselves with this opinion and these a=
ims. The enemy has tried to prevent this, that bourgeois erected sudden obs=
tacles, was inspired by the opportunists, but the Free Prisoners never gave=
their aims. The Free Prisoners developed out of this resolute and stubborn=
prison policy.<br>
The Free Prisoners defend their conduct, and they keep their word. The atta=
ck in Buca was directed against the personalities of the Free Prisoners, th=
e Free Prisoners themselves; the aim was to restrain the quest for freedom.=
But the prisoners from the Party-Front and their friends publicly stated t=
hey would confront the oligarchy with further Buca=92s. Buca was not an iso=
lated case in this sense. The reactions after Buca were not simply emotions=
=2E The events proved this. The Free Prisoners don=92t perceive the resista=
nce in the prisons just as a case of demanding improved conditions and self=
-defence against the attacks. Besides defending themselves, these prisoners=
want to inflict damage to the enemy, they want to break the oligarchy, sta=
rt counter-attacks, and they want to be avant-gardists, politically and mil=
itary.<br>
The events make this clear. The growing resistance of the Free Prisoners ag=
ainst the attacks by the oligarchy have shown our people the revolutionary =
tenacity, the strength and spirit and it caused a widened the opposition am=
ong the progressive and democratically minded. This exemplary resistance cl=
arified, inside as well as outside, the difference between the revolutionar=
ies and the reformists. The growing resistance will increasingly render th=
e oligarchic policy useless. <br>
Those who do not join the ranks of the Free Prisoners will separate themsel=
ves and they will become mere spectators of the attacks, perceived by them =
as provocations which they do not want to let themselves get involved in. T=
hey send a message of willingness to compromise to the oligarchy, nothing m=
ore. The symptoms of this attitude are showing, and the will show even more=
clearly. <p>
We can summarise the problem like this: Either we fight always and everywhe=
re for the revolution, inside the unions, together with the civil workers, =
with the people in the slum areas, on the barricades in Gazi and in the pri=
sons, separated from the system, or we act in a way which is between reform=
ism and revolution, however, this would mean surrender to reformism. Those =
who can not separate from the system, will sooner or later withdraw themsel=
ves in a system-integrated struggle and merely function as a opposition for=
the oligarchy. The Free Prisoners, and the conception based on it, has an =
important influence to the outside. The Free Prisoners constitute a breakdo=
wn of prison policy, and even more: the Free Prisoners provide security to =
the people and based on this security, freedom will express itself and the =
revolution will get more popular. The Free Prisoners will increase this tru=
st and confidence.
<center><h2>THE PRISONS AND THE PROVOCATION THEORY</h2></center>
The provocation theory is not unknown to the revolutionaries and the people=
in the country. Reformism and opportunism have always been the advocates o=
f this theory. This theory evolved when people withdrew from the struggle. =
These theories serve the escape for sacrifices. Therefore this theory was b=
rought into the prisons. <br>
The larger the revolutionary struggle grows and involves the people in the =
revolutionary war, the more the counter-revolution will increase its attack=
s in all areas of life; this is known and the fighters have to keep that in=
mind in the progressing war against the oligarchy. Yet, there is no class =
struggle in the world which counters this rule. While the counter-revolutio=
n increases its attacks, it first assaults the imprisoned hostages. <br>
The provocation theory was recently expressed by the PKK-prisoners. After t=
he loss of three martyrs during the resistance in Buca, the PKK evaluated t=
hese events like this: =93They let themselves be provocated=94 and thus sho=
wed their version of =93doing time=94. <br>
The pseudo-left called it =93a lack of solutions=94 and interpreted Buca li=
ke this: =93In fact the left reacted to the dead-end of the government with=
a dead-end solution of themselves. By letting themselves be provocated, th=
ey provided the enemy with what they wanted.=94 What they really want to sa=
y remains an enigma, and whether they understand it themselves is doubtful.=
<br>
But the evaluations of the opportunists were answered by the oligarchy. The=
PKK-prisoners didn=92t fall for the talented provocation, they remained in=
their cells in Umraniye, Bayrampasa, Bartin, Ankara and in the other priso=
ns, they did not participate in the barricade struggle. But they weren=92t =
spared in the attacks, as was shown in Umraniye. <br>
The logic of this provocation theory is in fact obvious: do not fight, acce=
pt the coercion, and nothing will happen to you. But this will not stop the=
attacks by the fascists, and they will never be satisfied, they will alway=
s come with new demands, they will demand confessions, treason, spying on o=
ther prisoners. The prisons in Diyarbakir and Erzurum are examples for this=
=2E <br>
The correctness of calling the attacks by the oligarchy a provocation is qu=
ite minimal. Because the oligarchy will always be able to find a pretext fo=
r their attacks, such as prison uniforms, the haircut, searching the cells =
or other reasons of this kind.<br>
Maybe the attacks in the prisons are not directed centrally, and maybe they=
are sometimes initiated by the prison directors themselves. But the facts =
inside the prisons are different. The attacks and the policy inside the pri=
sons are controlled directly by the oligarchy and the contra-guerrilla. Thi=
s is not the right place, nor the right time to argue about provocations.<b=
r>
If this is aimed at forcing political capitulation, be it a provocative att=
ack, directed centrally or locally; the answer can only be one: resist and =
stand up resolute against the attacks. If this is a provocation, the resolu=
teness is the antidote. The Free Prisoners provide the answer, because the =
Free Prisoners will not compromise in a confrontation, they will not be tem=
pted. The oligarchy will have to keep that in mind. Those who try to block =
the war inside the prisons, who insist on their provocation theories and wi=
thdraw from the front, either do not know the enemy or, if they know the en=
emy, they pursue their policy without separating from the bourgeois system.=
Buca and Umraniye were the tests of this policy.
<p>
=93The resistance in Buca is not a spontaneous event. The resistance in Buc=
a is the result of the idea of the Free Prisoners, their personality and th=
eir form of struggle. Everywhere, in the cities, the mountains, inside the =
prisons: not surrendering for the enemy, resisting. That=92s stems from the=
tradition of the Party-Front. Our war has kept this tradition and has deve=
loped it further. Tomorrow there may be even more Buca=92s, but our traditi=
on of the Free Prisoners and the spirit of resistance of the Party-Front wi=
ll never be destroyed and with the acceptance by the people, the struggle w=
ill develop.=94


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