CoC: "For a Democratic and Socialist Future" (part 2)

[Nathan Newman <newman@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

PART II:



FOR A SOCIALIST AND DEMOCRATIC FUTURE (Part II)
        Goals and Principles of the Committees of Correspondence


FOR POLITICAL REALIGNMENT

 There is a democratic opposition from below which
challenges the reactionary politics, the racism, sexism and
class elitism of neoconservatism. There are many examples of
resistance and progressive struggle. For example:

* The single-payer movement has put on the national agenda
the question of progressive reform of the health industry,
which accounts for one-seventh of the national economy.

* Rep. Bernie Sanders' independent political movement in
Vermont has achieved notable success.

* The enlargement of the Congressional Black Caucus to a
record 40 members, and the growth of the progressive, Latino
and women's congressional caucuses. There are signs of
revitalization of the civil rights movement, including a new
activist orientation of the NAACP.

* Environmental movements in scores of communities are
fighting environmental degradation and racism, the dumping
of toxic chemicals in Latino, Black and working-class
neighborhoods.

* Hundreds of thousands of supporters of lesbian, gay and
bisexual rights gathered at the spring 1993 demonstration in
Washington, D.C., and across the country broad coalitions
have formed to fight anti-gay ballot initiatives.

* Some of the largest demonstrations in our nation's history
have backed abortion rights.

* Thousands of trade unionists, environmentalists and others
mobilized nationwide against the North American Free Trade
Agreement, challenging the corporate economic agenda.

Despite these achievements, the progressive movement must
today grapple with the reality that the right remains a
potent force which still has the political initiative. It is
well-funded, well-organized, and determined to regain
complete control at the national level. It is important that
its influence be countered and its access to power blocked
at every turn.


  We believe that what is needed is a comprehensive approach
linking progressive currents into a broad, on-going
democratic force. We advocate a powerful, democratic
political realignment, based on a new progressive social
contract which empowers the masses of American working
people. Such an ongoing coalition would strengthen the
mutual support among movements, provide a framework for
working out a common agenda, and greatly enhance the
prestige and political influence of all of the coalition's
constituent parts. It would allow the democratic forces to
play a proactive, not only a reactive, role in national,
state and local affairs.

Democratic unity must go beyond a critique of the existing
system of privilege and opposition to exploitation, racism
and anti-Semitism, sexism and homophobia. It is not enough
to declare what we are against. We must affirm what we are
for. We must advocate an affirmative, dynamic social vision
of the kind of democracy we seek to achieve.

What are the social forces which should come together at
this time? We favor the construction of strategic democratic
alliances between critical sectors of the exploited and
oppressed groups within American society. This includes the
working class, in all its occupational, racial, ethnic,
industry and geographic diversity; people of color --
African-Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, Native
Americans and others; women; lesbians, gays and bisexuals;
seniors; the unemployed, the homeless and people on fixed
incomes. All those who need social guarantees of health
care, education, quality shelter, and the basic material
elements of a decent life. People of different faiths,
native born and immigrants. Working farmers, intellectuals
and professionals and small business people.

A vigorous, broad-based, democratic trade union movement has
an essential role to play in securing workers' elementary
rights and conditions in the workplace and giving them a
voice in society. We are committed to assisting in
organizing the unorganized.

A process of coalition should proceed alongside efforts to
strengthen each of the components.

We all have a stake in putting our country on a different
path, away from the decay of the last decades. What unites
us is much stronger than what divides us. We must get to
know one another, appreciate each other's needs and
perspectives, share our experiences, learn a common language
of political engagement and social commitment. It is only
through day-to-day struggles and dialogue that we will
transcend the barriers of misunderstanding among us.
Progressive unity among the broadest social forces in
America needs to be constructed at the grassroots level, in
thousands of union halls, women's centers, churches and
schools, before it can culminate into a unified, mass
democratic movement at the national level.

This process of cohesion will need to take many forms,
electoral and non-electoral. It may seek, in different
situations, to gain political influence and representation
through existing political party channels or through the
establishment of new forms.

This strategic democratic alliance needs its own political
and organizational expression to most effectively advance
its agenda. we believe this should ultimately take the form
of an independent , progressive political party. Building
such a party is a project for the long term. But the first
serious steps must be taken now. We pledge cooperation with
all progressive forces who seek the same goal. In this
process we will work to assure that its representation is
broad, its functioning is democratic and those who form the
base of the party have a constant and permanent voice in its
decisions.

An effective strategy for changing the direction of our
nation should rest on a basic conclusion which can be drawn
from past struggles: significant and even radical changes
can be imposed on capitalism through mass movements which
utilize the democratic framework. Some of the participants
in these mass movements will regard the particular reforms
as a final objective. Others will see them as stepping
stones toward structural reforms that will shift the balance
of political and economic power in favor of the great
majority who are presently disempowered. Radical
democratization is both the essence of the changes we seek
and a strategy for gathering together the community of
forces which can achieve it.


  It follows that, within this framework, unity of the left
and particularly among Americans who identify themselves as
socialists is also an urgent task. The left, historically,
has been an inspirational and practical, grassroots force
for social progress and the ideals of solidarity, justice
and equality.

Yet the American left is currently fragmented and
marginalized. We must evaluate our position within national
politics with some degree of modesty and sober realism. At
the present time, we virtually do not exist as a meaningful
force within the political life of the nation.

This is certainly due in large measure to political
repression and the enormous reserves of American capitalism.
McCarthyism did enormous damage by creating an atmosphere of
fear, suspicion and intimidation, backed by reprisals and
repression against democratic forces by government, big
business and reaction. This legacy still needs to be
overcome.

But left organizations have also contributed to their own
marginalization through disregard for the necessity for
democratic unity,  unrealism about the situation facing
social movements, ideological bickering and vanguardism,
organizational balkanization, and failure to craft even an
elementary program for common action. Because the American
left fails to achieve more than a minor role in most public
policy debates, a good number of people on the left have
drawn the erroneous conclusion that achieving radical change
within this system is all but impossible.

Our fundamental priority must be to become a practical and
powerful force within national political discourse and
public policy debates. To achieve this will require a
greater social vision and political tolerance for all
currents and organizational formations within the left. It
means transcending ideological debates and conflicts of the
past, recognizing the urgent necessity to build broadly-
based unity.

We believe the immediate possibilities for the left are
better than its immediate past. The vast majority of people
with left and socialist convictions do not belong to any
group which expresses their political views. Many,
especially younger people, have been active and developed
their radical, anti-capitalist and socialist views in
various social movements. The left is the natural political
home for such people.

And among some left organizations there is a welcome
tendency today to brush aside old barriers, to develop
constructive dialog on strategic issues and to seek
agreement on action. We believe the time is ripe for
concrete initiatives to bring together such forces, based on
the best left traditions of solidarity and mutual respect.


SOCIALIST VISION, DEMOCRATIC CHANGE

 Worldwide, socialism is in a deep crisis, marked by the
collapse of the Soviet Union and allied governments in
Europe and the political retreat and discrediting of social
democratic projects in France, Italy and elsewhere.
Thoughtful evaluation of these experiences will need to
continue. We respect what is valuable in different left
traditions, even as we seek to draw unsparing lessons from
what was wrong.

The response to the crisis on the left should not, in our
opinion, be to retreat from the principles and politics of
socialism. For in essence, the battle for socialist
democracy is truly the struggle for human equality.

By socialism, we do not mean a social system in which the
state dominates everything, or in which authoritarian
measures are used to restrict human rights. Socialism
without democracy is no socialism at all.

Our understanding of socialism is that it is a political,
cultural, economic and ethical project, a struggle to
transform power relations within a class divided society for
the benefit of the overwhelming majority of the people.
Socialism is not a fixed entity, but the social product of
the dynamics of class struggle. Socialism must and will be
constantly redefined by oppressed people who are engaged in
struggle, over a long period of time. It is molded by time
and place.

We do not, therefore, intend to offer a plan or blueprint.
In the course of the struggle for a better society, the
American people have already created and have the means to
continue to create, within this society, a variety of forms
and mechanisms which could be extended and adapted to go
beyond capitalism. These include public, cooperative and
worker ownership; consumer and environmental protection and
other forms of social regulation; universal public services
to meet basic social needs, guarantees of legal rights and
political liberties and a system of government anchored in
the sovereignty of the people. Above all, they have created
a vibrant network of popular organizations which struggle to
direct government policy in the public interest.


  Socialism in our own time does, however, have certain
definable characteristics. First, socialism must mean an
unyielding commitment to human equality -- the building of a
society in which all members have full and unfettered access
to power and decision making, and in which no member of
society is stigmatized by her or his physical condition,
sexual identity, gender, racial background or social class
status. Such equality can only be achieved through the
elimination of the extremely polarized class structure of
our society.

Socialism, therefore, means the equitable distribution of
income and property. It means a job or a guaranteed income
as a basic human right for all.

Socialism means social justice, a level of entitlements
provided by government for all citizens: the human right to
decent housing, free health care, food, public
transportation, free education and child care, and a living
environment free from fear and violence.

Socialism means empowerment: people should control the
public and private institutions of which they are a part,
realizing the living promise of democracy. Government should
reflect the actual desires and needs of the people, not the
prerogatives of a property-owning minority.

Socialism means a social order devoid of prejudice and
discrimination. We believe in a society based on the human
right to live without fear of political surveillance, police
violence and discrimination.

Socialism means the priority of the rights of the public
over the prerogatives of elite interest groups. When there
is a irreconcilable conflict between private property
interests and the general commonwealth, the public must come
first. We believe in a society which places people before
profits.

Socialism means a commitment to public ethics, and a
political democracy which is freed from elitism and
corruption. Most people are cynical about our political
system because they see that most elected officials promise
much but deliver little to nothing. Corruption and graft
have become almost commonplace. Corporations spend hundreds
of millions of dollars to manipulate electoral outcomes and
to influence public officials to support their pet projects.
We believe in a political system in which an elected
official should earn no more than a skilled factory worker
or public school teacher, there is universal voter
registration, election campaigns are publicly financed and
ballot and media access are easily available.

The women and men who have come together to create the
Committees of Correspondence believe that socialism is not
only possible in America -- it is absolutely necessary for
the expansion of genuine human rights and the enrichment of
democracy for all.


EMPOWERING OUR MEMBERSHIP

 We are an national, activist, political organization,
joined by a common commitment to struggle for democracy and
socialism. We are governed by principles that empower our
members to determine the policies, activities and leadership
of our organization.

We strive for an organization which is multiracial, male and
female, and of all generations, both in membership and in
elected bodies.

Members have the right to think about and discuss all
questions freely. The diverse experiences of our members are
the primary resource of the organization. When an issue is
being discussed, on any level, different opinions expressed
should be respectfully considered and reflected in reports,
without pressure to conform to a majority view. Decisions of
the organization are arrived at by majority vote. On
questions of national scope, such means as circulation of
draft discussion documents, published discussion and
membership referenda should be used to involve members to
the maximum possible extent.

We are a national organization with local, state and
national structures. At each level, members have the right
and are encouraged to participate in the formulation,
discussion and carrying out of policy, to stand for and vote
for leadership and to conduct other business. Every member
may choose his or her desired level of activity. Each,
regardless of level of activity, is entitled to receive the
organization newsletter and to participate referenda and
elections. The organization newsletter provides members with
information about membership, finances, activities,
discussions and decisions throughout the organization.

State organizations have wide autonomy in organizing their
activities; members in each state have the right to directly
elect a person to the national leadership body.

Members of leading bodies are elected by secret ballot,
according to election rules which seek a representative
outcome. We are committed to have fully representative
national leadership bodies which reflect the racial, gender,
class and sexual orientation diversity within the American
people.


  The Committees of Correspondence is pluralist: no
particular ideology is required or imposed upon our members.
Membership is based solely upon a general agreement with the
broad aims and program of the organization. People join the
Committees of Correspondence as individuals, rather than as
distinct political tendencies, parties or ideological
groupings.

For us, pluralism is much more than the tolerance of diverse
views. It is a political culture in which people are joined
in a common, profoundly humanistic project. That requires
creation of an atmosphere which elicits different views, in
which people engage in substantive and supportive exchanges
to advance that cause.

Pluralism is based on appreciation that the objective of
human emancipation must draw on diverse inspirations and
bodies of thought -- religious conviction, feminism,
environmentalism, non-violent resistance, multiculturalism,
pacifism and others. The Committees of Correspondence
emerged from and continues to draw on an evolving Marxist
tradition which insists that theory be an open way of
investigating reality, not a closed system or a dogma.

We reject the idea that any one group or political tendency
has a monopoly on the truth. We believe that developing an
understanding of society requires freedom of thought, a
clash of opposing views and a constant testing of ideas in
practice.

We participate in the democratic movement on the basis of
equality. We are an integral part of the mass currents and
protest movements for democracy, human equality and peace,
but we are not a substitute for such movements and
formations. We see ourselves as playing an important role in
winning the people of this country to the ideals of
socialism, but we are not the embodiment or sole expression
of the broad unity which is necessary among all groups
committed to socialism and democracy. We continue to learn
from the particular experiences, insights and suggestions of
other socialist and progressive activists and organizations,
and welcome all opportunities for collaboration and joint
action. We oppose any form of sectarianism or organizational
narrowness, and favor all possible activities which build
left unity on a principled, progressive basis.


  While we seek to facilitate strategic cooperation among
existing left groups which share basic principles, we
believe there is a need for a much larger progressive and
socialist organization, one more reflective of the working
class and oppressed communities and the radical democratic
movements than any existing organization. We invite an
exchange of views concerning how such a realignment, which
would make the democratic and socialist left into a much
more influential force, can be advanced.

We are internationalist. Our vision and commitment to
democracy and socialism does not stop at the boundaries of
the United States. We actively support the struggles for
socialism, national liberation and human rights which are
being waged by oppressed people and nations across the
globe. We are active contributors and initiators of
solidarity movements and campaigns.

The Committees of Correspondence is part of a tradition of
activism, of people's involvement in struggle, which is at
the heart of democracy. This spirit is finding renewed
expression today in a variety of forms. By workers on picket
lines. By election mobilizations which have put thousands of
Black elected officials in office. In the modern feminist
movement. Among gay rights activists. It is the struggle for
the rights of undocumented workers and against the
exclusionary policies aimed against Latino people. It is
reflected in the struggles to democratize our political
system.

Woody Guthrie sang, "This land is your land, this land is my
land." That is democracy, and like the country itself, it
can only be constructed through the efforts of all sectors
of the exploited and oppressed of this nation. The people
who build this country can -- and, we are confident, will --
rightfully insist that their collective creations -- the
political process, the economic wealth, the social
institutions -- be shared democratically. Toward that end,
we dedicate ourselves.


================

HAVE A SAY IN YOUR FUTURE:

WE INVITE YOU TO JOIN THE COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE

        The annual individual membership fee, including a
subscription to our monthly magazine, the CORRESPONDER, is
$25 ($10 for those with low income, including unemployed,
seniors and youth).  Household membership is $35.

        A subscription to DIALOGUE & INITIATIVE, our discussion
periodical, is $10 ($5 for members).

------------------- Clip below and mail  -------------------
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[ ] I'm interested.  Send more info about the CoC.
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[ ] Enclosed is $35 for a household membership (two members
     at the same address with a single subscription to the
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Name(s) _________________________________________________

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Phone/E-mail _____________________________________________

Please clip and mail it with your payment to:
    COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE
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    New York, NY 10038

Phone:  (212) 233-7151      Fax: (212) 233-7063
E-mail:  cofc@xxxxxxxxxxx






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