AUT: Open letter from "DeriveApprodi" to the European movements

[Steve Wright <pmargin@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

an article from the website of the Italian journal Derive Approdi, that
raises interesting questions that may be worth discussing here as well
as in Europe ...

www.deriveapprodi.org/edit-engl.htm

Open letter from "DeriveApprodi" to the European movements

At the beginning of November, as decided during the Porto Alegre
meeting, the "European Social Forum" will convene in Florence. That
Italy hosts the meeting is particularly significant, since it is here
that the impetus, that began during the anti-WTO demonstrations in
Seattle in November 1999, has resounded more strongly than in any other
European country. The profile of the anti-capitalist movement, its modes
of organisation and expression have been entirely redefined. The Genoa
protests of July 2001 have not only constituted the highest point of the
"global movement" in quantitative terms. They also have had concrete
consequences for the history of Italian politics. Despite the
reverberation of September 11th, a new movement has formed that has
expressed itself at both the national and the local level, through
campaigns against war, against the repression of social movements and
for the rights of migrants. This has frequently resulted in the forging
of new relationships with diverse political actors, such as the trade
unions at the forefront of the struggle for the defence of workers?
rights, currently coming under attack from a right-wing government.
 In more general term, a process of alliance-building is under way in
Italy following the experience of the Genoa Social Forum, which
organised the protests against the 2001 G8 summit. This process, based
on an alliance of highly heterogeneous elements, has the objective of
creating an Italian Social Forum. To be clear: this is neither a linear
process nor a uniquely positive one. Ambiguities, personal rivalries and
short-sightedness are ever-present factors. Indeed, the debate regarding
the actual contents of such a movement are often slow-moving. In
particular, with regards to the question of work in the most general
sense of the word, the movement has demonstrated an alarming simplicity
in its political proposals which, in contrast to the rebirth of the
pro-action and radicalism of the trade unions, risks bringing the
process to a standstill.
 Nevertheless it is important to note that the process of constructing
both an Italian Social Forum and the local Social Forums which began
after Genoa, has involved the historically radical movement (represented
on the one hand by civil disobedience, the former "tute bianche", and on
the other hand, by COBAS and the other Social Forums [a typo - the
Italian original text says ?social centres?] which form part of the
Network for Global Rights). These movements have emerged from a definite
position of marginality. But they now easily enter into confrontation
with social and political movements with very different histories and
political cultures; from non-profit organisations to some left-wing
parties (in particular Rifondazione Comunista and the Green Party, but
also a part of the Democratic Left), and from local administrations to
trade union branches.
 Those present at Porto Alegre recognised the true peculiarity of the
Italian situation. It was sufficient to look at the way in which the
Italian delegation was composed. Even more importantly, Genoa
represented an important moment of politicisation for a new generation.
In parallel, many men and women who stayed away from politics during the
two decades that followed the repression of the movements of the 1970s
discovered new reasons for commitment and activism in the "global
movement". Thousands of activists, who often did not belong to a
specific political party, who resisted the logic of representation and
were suspicious of both the ?structured? components of the antagonistic
movement and the ?moderatism? of the more ?institutional? elements,
have, in the past few months, organised initiatives of various
dimensions representing the richness of the Italian arena.
 The "European Social Forum" should not become a place for large
internationally-structured organisations (like Attac or the trade
unions) nor should it represent a simple and mechanical reproduction of
the ?Porto Alegre spirit?. In our view, the European Social Forum should
be an open opportunity to meet, for exchange and collective development
for all those in Europe who are concretely working to build ?a new
possible world?. We believe that there is no predefined ?European model?
to defend (the Rhine capitalism ?moderated? by the Welfare State).
Rather, new forms must be invented for the co-existence of the men and
women who live in this continental space. Above all, a new social space
and a new productive geography, materially shaped by the ?great
transformation? witnessed by the last two decades, must be confronted
conflictually and new forms and subjects sought. Moreover, the Europe
that we are interested in obviously cannot conform to the institutional
borders of the European Union. We side unyieldingly with migrants - the
women and men who cross these borders daily and risk their lives. We
seek to build forms of subversive cooperation among movements and
sections of social labor that those same borders, to the East as well as
to the South, would seek to divide in the name of dominance and exploitation.
 We are thus interested in a Europe that will necessary be one of
movements. We may no longer postpone the building of channels of stable
political communication at the European level. We believe that the
November meeting should be used to this end. For this reason we ask
everyone, even those suspicious of the excessively ?institutional?
character that this meeting might take, to come to Florence. But we
would like to go even further. The magazine, DeriveApprodi, is more than
ten years old. It represents an important ?meeting place? for a part of
the political culture of the movements of the 1960s and 1970s (in
particular those in the legacy of revolutionary labourism) and those, of
the two following decades, that refused to accept the restoration of
capitalism as unavoidable. Together with other magazines (from Luogo
comune to Altreragioni, from Futuro anteriore to Posse), DeriveApprodi
is a technical and political laboratory in which the fundamental
features of a new form of society and productive regime, shaped by the
crisis of Fordism, have been defined. Topics which the magazine has
covered in the past include the transformation of work and new
migration, new techniques of social control, the transformation of the
Constitution and of citizenship and forms of abstention and
disobedience. All this without ever adhering to any ?organisational?
formula, but instead giving space to the most original theoretical and
political hypotheses formulated in Italy in recent years.
 Genoa also represented a fundamental cut-off point for the magazine:
the broad discussion which followed the July events produced, among
other things, a document (only partially expressing the positions of the
magazine) that we attach to this letter in Italian, French and German.
We would like to inaugurate a new series of DeriveApprodi on the basis
of two central points: the continuing vitality of the "global movement"
and the pressing need to overcome the narrow, provincially Italian
perspective which up until now has characterised much of the magazine?s
contents. To these ends, we would like to begin by proposing an
ambitious aim: using the "European Social Forum" as a point of
departure, we intend to carry out an inquiry into the status of the
movement in Europe. For this we ask for your co-operation.
 It is not coincidentally that we use the term inquiry, in reference to
a theoretical and political methodology certainly among the most
important legacies of the labourist tradition from which most of us
come. Inquiry is an open cognitive process that produces transformation.
While basing itself on a few hypotheses, it continuously verifies and
takes issue with them. Moreover, the proposed inquiry presupposes a
continuous exchange of ideas and experiences among all those involved in
various ways. For this reason, we are not simply asking you to tell us
what you think about the world (or, more modestly, about Europe), but to
be the protagonists of the analysis and of your surrounding reality
yourselves. You should therefore put aside, even if only for a moment,
all ?certainties?, in the aim perhaps of discovering a new potential for
transforming the present.
 We would like to ask you for a written contribution of between 30,000
and 40,000 characters, on the status of the movement in the environment
in which you are based. This account should retain a balance between
telling the story of the movement?s experiences and analysing them
theoretically. You are obviously free to choose the relevant setting (a
city, the whole country, a specific segment of political activity,
etc.), starting from the specificity of your own experience. In light of
the fact that the magazine must be ready by the beginning of November,
in order to be distributed at the European Forum, and that the materials
must be translated, we ask you to submit the contribution by September
10. However if possible, please send us the rough draft as soon as you
can in order to allow time for discussion.
 In this project so far we have engaged several types of movements from
Germany, France, Spain, Holland, the United Kingdom, Sweden and Finland.
We are also active in promoting relations with Eastern Europe, the
Balkans, and the Southern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. We are
obviously open to any suggestion that may be useful in broadening the
?scope? of the inquiry. The attached document provides a tentative first
list of the issues that we believe should be addressed. Please let us
know if you find it useful to refer to this list, even if only in order
to criticise it.
 The following is a random and non-exhaustive list of some of the
problems that we believe it is important to address. It goes without
saying that even at this point, criticism and suggestions are more than
welcome. One preliminary observation must however be made: in many of
the questions, the term ?movement? (or ?antagonistic movement?) has been
used to indicate the common background against which various political
activities and initiatives take place. It is possible that this term,
which in Italy has its roots in the history of the struggles of the
1970s, may not seem immediately clear elsewhere: in Germany for example,
the more precise translation would probably be Linke, and not Bewegung.
Whether or not this is a shared reference is one of the issues which we
propose to verify with the suggested inquiry. We also propose to
ascertain the relations of continuity and discontinuity of the present
movement with previous periods of social and political struggles across
the various situations.

       1.In the situation in which you are working, is it possible to
indicate a moment of radical change, an incident of social uprising, a
campaign or a single struggle that has positively transformed the
movement in recent years? Or, if your network was founded recently, what
was the struggle or campaign that brought it about?
       2.What consequences did the events of the global movement,
starting in Seattle in November 1999, have for your movement? How is the
relationship between the specific local (or ?national?) and ?global?
dimension perceived? In this respect, is there a difference with regard
to the traditional theories and practices of internationalist solidarity?
       3.What is the relationship with the European dimension? What is
the general opinion within the movement, or in your environment of
reference, of the current process of European unification? In
particular, what is the opinion of the ?European social model? and of
the ?borders of Europe?? Even more specifically, do local campaigns, for
example on issues such as GMOs or migration, perceive European
institutions as their counterparts?
       4.In the last years, what have been the most significant and
original social struggles?
       5.How have the modes of activism changed over time? What are the
fundamental reasons that influence activists to take political action?
What is the relationship between activism, work and ?life??
       6.What are the principal means of communication employed by the
movement? What is the relationship between the communication network
(e.g. Indymedia) and the organisational structures of the movement?
       7.What is the relationship between the organisation of a single
struggle or campaign and more complex organisational processes? How is
the relationship with the organisation perceived?
       8.What are the qualifying objectives of the movement? Are
platforms of demands developed, or is the Porto Alegre "charter of
rights" model followed?
       9.What is the relationship between individual groups, the spaces
of the ?antagonistic movement? and other forms of ?social action? and involvement?
     10.How has the relationship with the ?institutions?, in the most
general sense including also political parties and trade unions,
developed?Who are the movement?s ?counterparts?? In particular, what is
the relationship to local authorities and national government? Is there
a strong tendency, on the left in general, to see national government
(or the European Union) as the fundamental political factor in the
resistance to ?neo-liberal globalisation?What are the relationships
between the different components of the ?antagonistic movement? like -
beginning from the situation in which you are working - at the national
and the European level?
     11.In the situation in which you are working, how do you evaluate
the growth of the far-right (both in terms of mass culture and as
organised political movements)? How do you structure your opposition?
     12.In sum (and this is in our view a fundamental question), what is
the movement?s relationship with labour? How are the changes in the
modes of capitalist production, of the 1980s and 1990s, viewed? What
were the main struggles of recent years as regards these changes? In
what manner may the social component of the movement be perceived as an
expression of the new forms of the means of capitalist production ?
 Obviously, these are only some of the questions, purposely formulated
in a very general manner, to which we would like to give an answer by
means the proposed inquiry. It is important to say that our work should
not be seen as a cause for celebration. We are convinced that a new
season has dawned for the movements in Europe. However, we also believe
that, precisely for this reason, our analysis must pitilessly detect and
expose the limits that today are evident in the political composition of
the movement. Our intention is to collect diverse data that has in
common only the recognition of the relevance of the questions put
forward. Besides the written contribution, we would ask you to send us
any type of material (articles, documents, flyers) which you consider
important for the subjects of the inquiry: part of this material may
indeed be published in the magazine, while others may be circulated
through the network.
 During the days of the European Social Forum it would be important to
meet in Florence and collectively discuss the results of the work. We
are also considering enclosing with the magazine (which will be
published in Italian), a shorter publication in English which shall
feature summaries of all the contributions received.


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