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Re: AUT: Anarchism & Conflicts



>In a revolutionary situation, some unions will choose
>a radical path (like, the IWW or CNT), and some will fight
>against the revolution (like the Stalinist
>controlled CGT of France. the CGIL of Italy, the CCOO of Spain or the
>AFL-CIO of the USA.

Some short comments regarding the debate about unionism.

1. Paradigms of social transformation. In some way, I feel that some
tendencies actualize again and again the idea of revolution as something
connected to the take over of political power. Unions under this point of
view are instrument of aggregation of masses to use in a ?revolutionary
situation? (general strike as highest point of the revolutionary situation).
For my opinion, this has nothing to do with the paradigm of constituent
power. I think that the question in other words is about ?general strike (as
an event) vs. refusal of work (as process).

2. Autonomia born as independence not only from delegates but also as
independence from fixed organizational forms (as unions) and as assumption of
the reality that in the proletarian struggle we cannot separate political
work (and representation) from economical struggle. I think that this is one
of the most important contribute of autonomia for the transition from the
syndicalist paradigm. This is the reason why in the historical autonomia
transitions from one self-organizational form to another have takes really
short time (think about PotOp, Rosso, Autonomia and many other proposals.
Better. Tags).

3. All the autonomist struggles in the working places are struggles against
work. In this way, the proposal is not to build ?one big union? into the
factories but destroy the material possibility for one big union in one big
factory. Also to do not stop the process in a rigidity of forms but always to
fight against the fixed forms that we build in our daily struggles.

4. The category of salary as an independent variable as interpreted in
the "operaismo" is another very important category in order to understand
what we mean. Moreover, in particular when we update this category to the
reality of the ?operaio sociale? first and to the reality of the autonomous
and communicative worker of the second generation after we understand that
there is not space for unionism at all. There is space only for constituent
power and richness of desires.

5. Another important category that helps us is the concept of ?operaio
sociale?. How to organize in a working place a subject who hate work and
escape from working place and extend his own productive power outside of
working places? When we try to formalize the organization of proletarians in
working places, we stop the process of the constituent power and we are
resistentialists. In definitely we can say that if we accept the dimension of
working place as a place of counterpower and self-organization we accept the
definition of proletarians not as a subject but as an object of capitalistic
determination (and exploitation).

Anton





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